D.R.Ç ØNGØ A R C H I V E
 
 
 
honor guard For second day in a row, swearing-in of new Congo President Joseph Kabila was postponed. Officials maintained inauguration would take place today. News reports said Supreme Court yet to decide appropriate "constitutional mechanism" for transfer of presidential power. Appointment by parliament of youthful & inexperienced Kabila as chief of state annoys many Congolese, who consider it equivalent to making the nation a monarchy.   1.26.01   R.Kilborn & J.Nichols C.S. Monitor
[ the other millenial prince ]
    Rights group concerned over disappearances, detentions
    5.11.01   IRIN
Nairobi   African Association for the Defence of Human Rights expressed concern at detention or disappearance of at least 200 political prisoners & others in govt-controlled territory. In human rights report re govt controlled DRC in the first 100 days of new president Joseph Kabila's rule, ASADHO said there had been little improvement so far. Noting the president's promises of change, ASADHO nevertheless condemned "inquisitorial & secret character of the inquiry (into late president's assassination) conducted entirely by the army & security services without any intervention by the judiciary". The association recommended release of "innocent" detainees held in connection with the inquiry. "We know of several people who are being held simply because they appear in family photos belonging to suspected persons," said ASADHO's president Amigo Ngonde.
At least 30 people have been detained by the assassination inquiry commission according to ASADHO which published a list of these detainees but declined to name those it believes to be innocent. The association also condemned continued use of secret jails by authorities despite an order by the president in March on the eve of UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in the DRC Roberto Garreton's visit, to close them down. It also recommended publication of assassination inquiry results and publication of a new law liberalising political activity. ASADHO called on the govt to reveal whereabouts of its local representative in the southeastern city of Lubumbashi, Golden Misabiko, whom it believed had been "kidnapped". Govt officials contacted by IRIN were not available for comment.
Observers note ASADHO's report comes a week after European foreign ministers signalled their support for Joseph Kabila by approving a grant of US $110million dollars over 2 years in development aid for territory under his control. Rebel-held territory will not benefit from the grant, which is nearly twice the level to the DRC over the past 2 years. EU ambassador to DRC, Henry Sprietsma, said this week the intl community could not wait until the Congolese had solved all their political problems before helping them. "We have to respond to a catastrophic situation," he said. "We have to save what still exists if we wait longer the cost will be even greater."
    Wamba dia Wamba removed, say dissidents
    5.7.01   Chas. Cobb Jr. allAfrica.com
Washington D.C.   The messy Congo-Kinshasa political situation became messier Monday as John Tibasima Atenyi, a Vice President of the Bunia-based rebel movement Congolese Rally for Democracy, Kissangani (RCD-K), said it has removed the group's leader, Professor
Wamba dia Wamba. "Wamba is now out of the movement," declared Tibasima, who also said that in Lusaka this past Friday he had prevented Wamba from signing a declaration calling for all-party dialogue and signed it himself on behalf of the RCD. Nor, said Tibasima, was Wamba in Bunia where the RCD-K is based. Replying from Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Professor Wamba said he had not gone to Bunia because Uganda kept him out. Tibasima, says Wamba "signed as a vice-president of the movement."
The split between Wamba and Tibasima as well as with Mbusa Nyamwisi, another RCD vice president, has been clear since January, when three rebel leaders agreed to merge with Jean Pierre Bemba's Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC) and form a new group, the Congolese Liberation Front (CLF). Wamba refused to join, but several members of his executive, incl Mbusa and Tibasima, agreed to sign on to the new group. Wamba still heads RCD-K, says intl economist Marc Mealy, who advises Wamba in Washington, D.C. on U.S. policy. "A large number of the RCD-K cabinet body, including the governor of north Kivu, still recognize Wamba as the President." The two men were officially suspended Mealy says, but "because Tibasima, Mbusa and Lumbala are allied with certain figures in Uganda, and Bemba, Wamba's suspension of them as the elected President of the RCD-K was not able to be implemented on the ground."
    The Looting of Congo
    5.29.01   editorial NYTimes
From the depredations of Belgian colonial rule through the cold-war kleptocracy of Mobutu Sese Seko, the vast Central African nation now called Congo has been ransacked by foreigners and their African collaborators. Africans and non-Africans alike have extracted diamonds, gold, copper, timber, elephant tusks and other resources in a lawless commercial culture. As both Sec.State Colin Powell and UN Security Council members have crisscrossed Africa in recent days to encourage the withdrawal of foreign troops from Congo, a disturbing U.N. report offers fresh evidence of the degree to which Congo's civil war serves the economic interests of some of the West's staunchest African allies and an array of foreign businesses.
The U.N. report documents in impressive detail the role of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi in the wholesale looting of eastern Congo. The panel concluded that the leaders of Uganda and Rwanda, Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame, two of Washington's allies during the Clinton administration, were "on the verge of becoming godfathers of the illegal exploitation of natural resources and the continuation of the conflict."

The panel did not accuse the two men of profiting personally. But it properly held them accountable for failing to prevent their top generals, relatives and associates, along with proxy rebels & warlords in regions under their control, from profiting in league with criminal cartels & foreign companies. Mr. Museveni has denounced the report and noted that it overlooks the crimes of Uganda's main rivals in Congo. Angola, Zimbabwe and Congo itself have likewise engaged in thievery.
But the U.N. report also makes clear that Africans have exploited Congo's natural resources in league with reputable foreign companies & financial institutions. Some 3 dozen businesses, based in Belgium, Germany, Malaysia, Canada, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Britain, India, Pakistan and Russia, are identified as having imported minerals from Congo through Uganda & Rwanda.

The world must find ways to deter non-African companies & financial institutions that are only too prepared to take advantage of Congo's misery. An embargo on minerals, timber, gold or diamonds shipped from the states whose forces currently occupy territory in Congo, states that would not normally export large quantities of these resources, may be necessary. Public & private financial institutions should reconsider doing business with banks in Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi that have close ties with the armies & rebel militias engaged in Congo. As many as 2.5 million Congolese may have died from starvation & disease in eastern Congo. Legitimate companies should have no business profiting from this catastrophe.
[ The usual hypocrisy. What constitutes a "legitimate company" & "catastrophe profits"? How many diamond ads for Maury Templesmann's products has the NYTimes accepted during the Congo, Sierra Leone and Angolan conflicts, all wars mainly fueled by foreign corporate intrigue, if not from a resource consortium then the ultimate vulture, IMF/World Bank, et al? When NYTimes board members' portfolios nosedive because Joe Kabila finally says no to Chevron instead of by all means yes as he did at February's Corporate Council for Africa dinner, will the NYTimes continue to support UN demands for sanctions, which difficulties of particulars & enforcement this editorial homily utterly fails to address? When Xmas advertising receipts crater because no hightech toys are in stock as a result of Congo col-tan conservation, will the editorial resume the former Cold War drumbeat of imperiled U.S. interests abroad needing increased military intervention ?

The cited UN report is 6 weeks old. Very easy for editors to ballyhoo humanitarian sentiments now that Sen. Jeffords has single handedly booted Helms from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chair. Since Reagan & Gingrich, the mainstream press is useless as even a bellwether of public sentiment, let alone policy guidance. Long live the Net. Steal this news article. ]


In preparing for an "Inter-Congolese Dialogue" meeting planned for last week, peace negotiator Ketumile Masire, the former President of Botswana, sent an "open invitation" to the RCD with the result that both Tibasima and his faction and Wamba and his loyalists, came to Lusaka to participate. Tibasima reportedly said he would not sign any agreement that Wamba signed. This stance, plus the absence of Congo President Joseph Kabila, derailed the session.
According to Mealy, "Masire was under 'pressure' to exclude Wamba from the dialogue." But Mealy could not say who was applying the 'pressure', or why. "I almost get the sense that the Inter-Congolese dialogue will be very superficial, short, and limited in scope. I also have the feeling that the parameters of the dialogue are being pre- determined by outside influences. This spells trouble, if you ask me." Few observors thinks Monday's events write the final chapter on rebel political arrangements in the Congo.
… After hours of denial and confusion, the government of Zimbabwe finally announced that President Kabila had died as he was being flown there to be given medical treatment in Harare. Moven Mahachi, Zimbabwe's defence minister, said: "It was a pure assassination." He said President Kabila died on the flight to Harare, although confusion still surrounds the exact deatils of his shooting. The most plausible explanation was that President Kabila was shot during a routine meeting with several generals at the Marble Palace in Kinshasa. It is understood that he was on the point of dismissing the generals, whom he blamed for setbacks in the war against rebels, when one of their bodyguards shot him several times. The assassin was said to have been killed by soldiers as he tried to flee. Other bodyguards were arrested. Godefroid Tchamlesso, a Congolese defence spokesman, said: "We rushed President Kabila to hospital in Kinshasa, where he died. He lost much blood and fought death for about two hours." Kabila's hold over the army has grown increasingly tenuous in recent months, with some troops reportedly threatening to revolt over pay demands. Young recruits make as little as 1,450 Congolese francs, less than £6, a month. …
    Congo Enemies Blamed in Death
    5.23.01   AP
KINSHASA   Govt appt commission Wed. accused Congo's enemies, Rwanda, Uganda and Congolese rebels, of responsibility in the assassination of President Laurent Kabila. Investigators alleged the killing was part of a larger coup attempt. The accusation could cast a shadow over a U.N. drive to push forward a peace deal to end the Central African nation's devastating conflict. … The commission said Kabila's bodyguard Rashidi Mizele was the triggerman, shooting the president three times. But the attack "was not an isolated act,'' said AttyGen Luhonge Kabinda Ngoy, head of the inquiry. "It was part of a plot to make a coup d'etat.'' The commission said Rwanda, Uganda and a Rwanda-allied Congo rebel group had a role in the killing. It said a fourth group was involved but refused to name it, saying it didn't want to jeopardize future investigations. …
Tue., the govt, rebel groups and Congolese opposition groups said they had agreed to meet in July to work out a timetable for talks aimed at bringing democracy to the country. The talks were a key part of the peace deal. The report on the elder Kabila's slaying also said 11 Lebanese nationals in Congo had been "implicated'' in the killing but said nothing further regarding any roles they might have played. The 11 disappeared within hours of Kabila's killing. Congo's govt said later that they had been killed by Congolese soldiers enraged after hearing rumors Lebanese were involved.
"Mobutu was personal friend of the Bushes"   Pres. Laurent Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was shot dead Tuesday afternoon, according to reports from Belgium, Britain and the U.S. However, some confusion has been caused because at the time of writing the DRC governmen claims that although shot, Kabila is still alive, and has named his son as caretaker leader. Press reports indicate that Kabila was shot by one of his bodyguards in front of army generals, after a row in which he had sacked them. Belgian Foreign Minister Louis Michel confirmed the involvement of army chiefs and claimed that the killing was not a coup attempt, but “an argument that descended into violence". There were reports of heavy fighting around the presidential palace for half an hour, after which calm descended in the capital Kinshasa. It appears that presidential chief of staff Colonel Eddy Kapend has taken temporary control of the country. He appealed on television for discipline in the army.
Other Western press reports have followed Michel in playing down the possibility of a coup. However it seems that the row with army chiefs was over the course of the war in the Congo and that the military top brass removed Kabila because he was standing in the way of a negotiated settlement. DRC govt forces, backed by Angola and Zimbabwe, have recently suffered set backs in the south-eastern province of Katanga at the hands of Rwandan troops and Rwandan backed rebels. Similarly in the northern Equateur region, DRC forces have lost out in clashes with Jean-Pierre Bemba's Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC) forces, which are backed by Uganda.

The Washington Post quote a "Kinshasa-based analyst" who reported that elements in the army were feeling out support from foreign governments for a move against Kabila: "there has been some disillusionment among some elements of the army, and they have been making independent approaches among other people to support them." Original press reports were of Kabila being shot, but expressed uncertainty about whether he had been killed. Ugandan involvement in the assassination may be indicated by the fact that only Ugandan reports were positive that Kabila was dead. A senior intelligence source in Kampala telephoned Reuters saying "I am 101% sure he is dead." Pointing to the role of Uganda, a country which receives military backing from the U.S., the Belgian newspaper Le Soir stated that: "It is more than probable that this coup has been carried out with the consent of the U.S." Le Soir claimed that "semi-official sources" in the US have been saying for several days that nothing further could be done about a peace deal in the Congo while Kabila was still in power. They described a scenario in which, after the "disappearance of the president", the team around ex-President Masire of Botswana, who had negotiated the failed Congo peace deal at Lusaka in the summer of 1999, would "install an interim administration" that would proceed with their original mission of organising an "inter-Congolese" dialogue. This idea, put forward at Lusaka, is for all the countries to pull out from the DRC, whilst a new political framework is established between the Kinshasa regime and the Ugandan and Rwandan-backed rebels.
Le Soir further suggested that elements of the old Mobutu regime could be brought back into power: "But the interim administration could also open the way for the rebel Jean-Pierre Bemba to return backed by the old Mobutists, who count numerous friends among the ranks of the Republicans and who have already been contacted by future U.S. VP Dick Cheney." Kabila overthrew the US-backed regime of Mobutu Sese Seku in May 1997. It was notorious for its brutality and corruption. For three decades, the economy was run into a state of collapse. Mobutu was a personal friend of the Bush family. A further indication of possible US involvement is the fact that the assassination occurred on the eve of a French-Africa summit to be held at Yaounde, Cameroon. The summit, entitled "Globalisation and Africa", is to be attended by some 30 African heads of state. It is intended to boost French policies in Africa and offset US influence on the continent. France's overseas development Minister Charles Josselin attempted to distance his government from any connection with corruption scandals in Africa, incl those involving former French President Mitterand's son, by stressing the fact that France is the largest development aid donor to sub-Saharan Africa.

Kabila was clearly hoping to strengthen his position by gaining support at this meeting. After the military reverses, he had made what the French newspaper Libération described as "two small victories". One was passage of the United Nations Security Council resolution in December, strongly backed by France, demanding that Rwanda and Uganda withdraw. The second was an agreement negotiated personally by Kabila last week at Libreville, Gabon between President Buyoya of Burundi and the Hutu militia, the FDD, who had been conducting a civil war with the Burundi regime from bases inside the Congo. The intention was to get Burundi, whose forces have been backing Rwanda, out of the Congo war. Hutu militia, numbering as many as 40,000, and including the Interhamwe, the rump of the Rwandan regime that carried out the 1994 genocide, have made up a major part of Kabila's forces. In the 1960s, Kabila had led a guerrilla struggle against the Mobutu regime. One of his claims to fame was a meeting with Che Guevara, although Guevara apparently considered him a liability— who spent more time in bars and brothels than in politics. Kabila's group controlled a tiny region in the South Kivu region of the Congo, where it was sustained by gold mining and ivory trading, and where the group is said to have brutalised the local population. In the 1980s Kabila moved to Dar es Salaam, selling gold mined in the Congo. Here in 1996, he was contacted by fellow Pan-Africanist Julius Nyerere, the former President of Tanzania. Kabila was taken up by his former Pan-African associates President Museveni of Uganda and the then Vice-President of Rwanda Paul Kagame.
Like them, Kabila had abandoned any pretence of Marxism and was a committed supporter of the profit system. Uganda and Rwanda were fighting against the Interhamwe in eastern Congo, then called Zaire. But because of the collapse of Mobutu's army they soon swept across the country and installed Kabila in power in 1997. With his anti-imperialist rhetoric, Kabila was initially very popular amongst the Congo population. The US clearly hoped he would become one of the "new African leaders", like Museveni and Kagame, who were being lauded by President Clinton. They believed that Kabila, the Pan-Africanist turned free-marketeer, would bring stability to this huge country, and provide access to its considerable mineral wealth. After little more than a year in power, however, Kabila broke from his Ugandan and Rwandan backers. The two countries supported rebel forces in an attempt to oust Kabila, but with backing from Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia, he hung on to power and the civil war began. Now that Angola & Zimbabwe are under pressure from the West to pull out, and the economy of the DRC has all but collapsed, it is unlikely that Kabila's removal will bring stability to a region dominated by numerous rival factions, and where the tribalist conflicts created by colonialism are rife. Moreover, the rival imperialist powers: France, Belgium, and Britain, as well as the United States, all have an abiding interest in the region.


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12/27/00 Rwanda wants to question Congo troops on 1994 genocide
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12/6/00 African defense chiefs sign deal on Congo withdrawal
    Congolese govt masses soldiers to retake key towns
    01/11/01   AP
KINSHASA, Congo   Govt troops have massed in both northern & southern Democratic Republic of Congo in preparation for assaults to recapture towns captured last year, officials said Thursday. In northern Congo, an unknown number of soldiers have gathered to take the town of Befale, which was captured by rebels in late December, according to a U.N. official who spoke on condition of anonymity. Befale is about 180 miles (290 kilometers) northeast of Mbandaka, the regional capital. The official, speaking by satellite telephone from the govt-held town of Buende, some 90 miles (145 kilometers) south of Befale, said gunfire had been heard repeatedly in the area in recent days, and some fighting was apparently already under way. The official provided no other details.
Allies of President Laurent Kabila, meanwhile, were reinforcing their forces in southern Congo, with the aim of recapturing the strategic town of Pweto, officials and witnesses said on condition of anonymity. Cargo planes ferrying in soldiers have arrived daily from neighboring Angola over the past two weeks, witnesses said at the airport in the southern city of Lubumbashi. An estimated 8,000 Angolan and 1,000 Zimbabwean soldiers have arrived in Lubumbashi since Pweto was captured by rebels last month. Pweto, a town along Lake Mweru on the Zambian border, was captured by the Rwandan army and their Congolese rebel allies, forcing about 6,000 Congolese soldiers to flee into Zambia. Kabila promised a counteroffensive in late December.
Army officials say the front line is around the town of Dubie, some 210 miles (340 kilometers) from Lubumbashi. But a rebel spokesman claimed that rebel troops are now less than 180 miles (290 kilometers) from Lubumbashi. Speaking from Brussels, rebel spokesman Kin-Key Mulumba said rebels have captured the town of Kilwa, some 160 miles (260 kilometers) north of Lubumbashi. "If Kabila attacks us, we will not stay passive," he added. Apparently fearing an assault, the Congolese have reinforced security inLubumbashi. Katanga province Deputy Gov, Jacques Muyumba has displayed numerous newly acquired weapons on state television, saying they will be distributed to locals "to fight rebel infiltrations in the town." The fighting in Congo began in August 1998 when rebel forces backed by Kabila's former allies, Rwanda & Uganda, turned on him. Kabila is supported by Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe

KIGALI, Rwanda   Rwanda has accused the U.N. monitoring force in the DRCongo of being one-sided in reporting violations of a cease-fire agreement in the chaotic war that has drawn in several African armies. Relations between Rwanda & UN have soured in recent days after Rwanda, Uganda and their Congolese rebel allies were blamed for fresh fighting in the southeastern province of Katanga. Senior Rwandan army officials met Thursday with Gen. Diallo Mountaga, commander of the U.N. mission in Congo (MONUC), and then accused MUNOC of keeping silent on cease-fire violations by the govt of Congolese President Laurent Kabila and his allies.
"The organization that is supposed to enforce and objectively help in the implementation of the peace agreement does not seem committed," Rwanda's army chief of staff, Maj. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, told reporters after the meeting. He said attacks by Kabila's forces and allies triggered the recent fighting in Katanga and that rebel forces then seized the strategic town of Pweto, on the border with Zambia, in a counter-offensive. "While it (MONUC) should have condemned the violators of the cease-fire agreement, it is ironic that it is Rwanda and Uganda that must answer for those who are violating the cease-fire." Mountaga rejected Kayumba's criticism, saying his force was being evenhanded in its mission inside Congo, although it faces serious logistical problems in keeping track of cease-fire violations.

"I do not know what authorizes him to say that MONUC does not report (the violations). I can reassure him that our mission is a peace mission. We have nothing to hide, we work in full transparency," Mountaga said. Despite the verbal sparring and recent disputes, both men insisted that relations were cordial. The war in the Democratic Republic of Congo, formerly Zaire, began in 1998. Uganda and Rwanda back rival Congolese rebel factions, while Kabila draws support from Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia. Repeated cease-fire agreements have all collapsed and the continued fighting has prevented the United Nations from deploying a full peacekeeping force as agreed to under an earlier peace deal. The U.N. Security Council last week told Rwanda and Uganda to halt their latest offensive and pull their troops out of Congo. Rwanda replied by saying its forces were only defending themselves from attack.


NDOLA, Zambia   Democratic Republic of Congo President Laurent Kabila met Zambian leader Frederick Chiluba Thursday to discuss the fate of thousands of his soldiers detained in northern Zambia after they fled a rebel offensive. Senior officials from both delegations said Kabila was concerned that an intl court trying Rwandan genocide suspects as well as the Rwandan justice department wanted to screen the soldiers to verify whether any took part in the slaughter.
Kabila also wanted to discuss the peace agreement signed in Lusaka in 1999, which has all but collapsed. He wanted to seek Chiluba's backing for his demand that Rwandan and Ugandan troops leave his country in order for the agreement to work. The unscheduled talks lasted two hours at a hotel in the copperbelt city of Ndola, 250 miles north of the capital Lusaka. Kabila arrived from the southeastern city of Lubumbashi, the Congo's second largest city. "Mr Kabila was here to discuss the fate of his soldiers," a Zambian official told Reuters. "He wants us to agree a plan for returning them to the Congo. He is concerned about the screening sought by the Arusha tribunal as well as inquiries by the Rwandan justice ministry about renegade Hutu (Interahamwe) militia."

NAIROBI, Kenya   Congolese rebels on Tuesday accused President Laurent Kabila's army of bombing a southern lake port and killing two people after losing the region to the guerrillas. A govt Antonov aircraft bombed Pweto on the border with Zambia early Monday, killing two civilians, said Adolphe Onusumba, leader of the Rwandan-backed Congolese Rally for Democracy. No independent confirmation was possible. Pweto, on Lake Mweru, was captured by the Rwandan army and their Congolese rebel allies last month, forcing about 6,000 Congolese soldiers to flee into neighboring Zambia. Kabila promised a counteroffensive last week. The fighting in Congo began in August 1998 when rebel forces backed by Congolese President Laurent Kabila's former allies, Rwanda and Uganda, turned on him. Kabila retaliated with support from Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe. Over the weekend, the rebel police force in Kisangani, northern Congo, clashed with a rival ebel group, the Ugandan-backed Congolese Liberation Movement, at Opienge gold and iamond mines, killing at least 5 on both sides, rebel officials said.

The clash started when a newly formed rebel group, led by Roger Lumbala and sponsored by the Ugandan army, tried to take control over the lucrative diamond business north of Kisangani. The fighting took place about 75 miles to the northeast, said Lt. Col. Mohamed Khaled Khan, head of the United Nation's 35 unarmed military observers in Kisangani. Khan said he could not rule out more skirmishes in the tense diamond area, where those who control it regularly collect hefty taxes from foreign diamond dealers. Rwanda and Uganda support different rebel groups in Congo. The two nominal allies fought heavily for control of Kisangani in 1999 and again last year before they withdrew from the city under intl pressure.
All the warring sides signed a peace agreement last year calling for a 5,537 strong U.N. mission to monitor a fragile cease-fire and the withdrawal of foreign troops from Congo. But persistent fighting and Kabila's refusal to allow U.N. observers and troops to deploy have jeopardized the operation. Meanwhile, in Kinshasa, a Congolese independence leader and longtime opposition figure was released after more than a year in prison, relatives and government officials said Tuesday. Kabila ordered Cleophas Kamitatu, 71, released Monday so he could participate in the govt's planned talks with unarmed opposition groups on the country's political future, justice ministry aide Celestin Cibalonza said. Kamitatu was a key negotiator for Congo's independence from Belgium in 1960. He later served as governor of Kinshasa and as a finance minister.


NAIROBI, Kenya   An agreed pullback of warring sides from Congo's front lines has been overshadowed by fighting along Congo's southern border with Zambia, where the Congolese army and their allies launched fresh attacks, a Rwandan official said Tuesday. The Rwandan-backed rebels fighting to oust President Laurent Kabila were poised to take the southernmost Lake Tanganyika port of Muliro to deprive the government of a launching pad for a new offensive, said Patrick Mazimhaka, Rwanda's presidential foreign policy adviser. In a bid to consolidate a fragile cease-fire, the rebels, backed by Rwandan and Ugandan troops, and the Congolese army, backed by Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia, have agreed to withdraw 15km (10 miles) from front lines starting December 15.
But without U.N. military observers in place to verify the disengagement, fighting has flared with the rebels steadily advancing along Lake Tanganyika and the government and its allied Rwandan Hutu militiamen crossing back into Congo from northern Zambia, where they fled a recent rebel offensive, Mazimhaka said. "There is no implementation of the disengagement plan yet," Mazimhaka said by telephone from Rwandan capital, Kigali. "The disengagement plan won't work without U.N. observers. The rebels are consolidating the border with Zambia, trying to get down to Muliro." Mazimhaka said more than 6,000 govt fighters and Rwandan Hutu militia, who fled into Zambia when the rebels took Pweto on nearby Lake Mweru, have been crossing back into Congo where they launched fresh attacks around Kilwa, on the Mweru islands. "Instead of being disarmed, they rearmed and went back into Congo. They're trying to cross the Mweru or travel south to Lubumbashi," he said.

The Zambian government, worried about the spillover of the 2 year Congo war along its borders, has said it had disarmed some of the fleeing Congolese soldiers, but a significant number of them refused to give up their weapons and settled in border villages. Despite the rebel gains, Mazimhaka said neither the rebels nor the Rwandan army fighting alongside them had the intention of advancing further toward Lubumbashi, Congo's second largest city and Kabila's stronghold. "We want to secure our positions and stick to the peace agreement," he said.
The U.N. Security Council last week authorized the deployment of up to 500 unarmed observers into Congo, in addition to 224 already in place, to monitor the disengagement and serve a vanguard for the planned force of 5,537 strong peacekeepers. But U.N. SecGen Annan has warned that fighting must cease before the deployment could proceed. Kabila has in the past hampered the deployment of U.N. personnel in government-controlled western Congo, and rejected an African-appointed mediator for talks on Congo's postwar transitional govt. Once in place, the U.N. troops were supposed to supervise the withdrawal of foreign troops from Congo and political talks among the Congolese parties.

UN   UN Security Council voted unanimously Friday to keep U.N. peacekeepers in Congo for another year, buoyed that a cease-fire in the country's 2½ year war was holding. But the 15-member council expressed its disappointment and condemned recent incursions by armed groups into neighboring Rwanda and Burundi and stressed that peace in Congo "should not be achieved at the expense of peace in Burundi,'' which has been engulfed in a 7½ year civil war.
The resolution adopted by the council backs Sec.Gen Annan's recommendation to maintain the U.N. force's authorized strength of 5,537 troops incl 500 military observers. There are currently 2,400 troops in Congo, but Annan said he expects that will increase to the authorized maximum as the next phase in the peace process, demobilization and withdrawal of foreign combatants, gets under way. In a report to the council Monday, Annan expressed "foreboding'' about reported movements of unnamed armed groups into eastern Congo and their incursions into Rwanda, Burundi and Tanzania. He said there was speculation that these groups were trying to evade participation in a program to disarm, demobilize and reintegrate combatants. Rwandan-backed Congolese rebels said Hutu militias, known as Interahamwe, were heading east to Rwanda and their spokesman, Joseph Mudumbi, warned Thursday that "signs of resumption of war are obvious.''

The Security Council urged all parties, including the government of Congo, to "cease immediately all forms of assistance and cooperation with all armed groups.'' On Wednesday, Congo's foreign minister asked the Security Council to give U.N. peacekeepers explicit enforcement powers to end the civil war. However, the United States and Britain stressed that the parties to the conflict have the primary responsibility for ending it. The council also emphasized that the conflict in Congo will not be settled until former Rwandan soldiers and Hutu militiamen are disarmed and demobilized, a key demand of Rwanda's Tutsi-led government. …
A 1999 cease-fire accord, which was repeatedly violated, gained momentum following Kabila's Jan. 16 assassination and the succession of his son, Joseph, to the presidency. Since then, most belligerents have pulled back their forces from front lines and the United Nations has deployed troops to guard installations and equipment used by unarmed observers monitoring the cease-fire.
[ A month later, LK is dead, Rwanda has its Xmas bonus of col-tan mega$ and JK is picking dinnerwear for billion$ sit down with planetary overlords ]

U.N. votes to expand Congo military observers
12.15.00   CNN

UNITED NATIONS   The United Nations Security Council voted unanimously Thursday to more than double the number of military observers in the DRCongo in a gesture of support for the fragile peace process there. The resolution endorsed a recommendation by U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan to increase the number of observers from about 200 to 500. In the French-sponsored resolution, the council extended the mandate of the U.N. Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) for another six months. Last February, the council authorized a 5,537 member force of observers and infantry troops to monitor the Lusaka cease-fire agreement signed in 1999 by the warring parties in Congo. Rival rebel groups, supported by Rwanda and Uganda, have been fighting to overthrow Congolese President Laurent Kabila's govt for 2 years. Kabila's army is backed by troops from Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia.
However, the United Nations has been unable to deploy the full mission due to recurrent fighting and inadequate security guarantees from the Kabila government. In a report issued last week, Annan said he was prepared to recommend the deployment of infantry units to back up the observers. Thursday's resolution indicated the council's willingness to dispatch infantry units along the Congolese border with Rwanda, as soon as Annan "considers that conditions will allow it." The resolution also recommended another summit meeting of the signatories to the Lusaka agreement and the Security Council at the United Nations next February. Unlike U.N. peacekeepers, the military observers are only lightly armed, and are not mandated to engage in combat. They regularly report on the military situation to Annan, who in turn updates the Security Council.


    US intervenes to shape settlement in Congo
    3.2.00   C.Talbot & B.Mason WSWS
U.S. UN amb. Richard Holbrooke summoned African leaders to 1.24.00 Security Council special session on to discuss the continuing Congo war. Participants included the Presidents of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Uganda, Rwanda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Angola and Mozambique. Declaring January the "month of Africa," the meeting was an opportunity for America's UN ambassador, who has the presidency of the UN Security Council for the next six months, to launch a new US initiative on the continent. Holbrooke & US SecState Albright are determined to revitalise the Lusaka peace agreement struck Aug. last year but subsequently broken down in renewed fighting.
Under the cease-fire agreement, neighbouring countries that sent troops into Congo were to withdraw. Discussions were then to begin on the DRC's political future, incl rebel troops' integration into a new national army. At US insistence, UN is now likely to extend the number of observers in Congo from 76 to several hundred. Troops will also be committed to defend observers. But the US will not sanction the 5,500 strong peacekeeping force proposed by UN SecGen Kofi Annan until there is a commitment to the cease-fire and "Congolese national dialogue" by the warring parties.

This more assertive stance by the US has upset the African leaders, who wanted UN troops sent immediately. Zambian Pres. Frederick Chiluba, who brokered the Lusaka peace agreement, said the Security Council was looking for "a perfect score on some performance chart". At the UN meeting, Albright made it clear to African leaders the "sovereignty & territorial integrity of DRCongo" must be restored "& respected" if they want US assistance. … Stress on sovereignty appears to be in line with rebel forces' exclusion from the meeting, conceding to DRC Pres. L. Kabila's request. At Lusaka, Kabila was pressured into accepting rebels as party to agreement and there were indications de facto division of Congo would be accepted.

Albright's strong line on this question suggests a return to traditional imperialist considerations in the Congo. Created at the Berlin Conference of 1885 under the absolute and brutal rule of King Leopold of Belgium, the Congo's role was to stand between the imperialist powers as they divided up the rest of the continent among themselves. Its importance grew in the post World War II period as a Western bulwark against Soviet influence in Africa.

Congo remains a source of contention between Western govts. France's UN meeting delegate Chas. Josseling, Minister for Francophone Africa, opposed the decision not to send a larger peacekeeping force. … Louis Michel, Belgium Dep. PM , backed this, saying, "The intl community should not remain on the sidelines." Michel stressed that European involvement is "a prime factor" in the recovery of the Congo. Press reports reveal that Kabila had a private meeting with the French delegation after the UN meeting. Michel & Josseling spoke on behalf of traditional Euro interests in Congo.
The lucrative diamond mines in the Congo are part-owned by the Belgian company Sibeka. One of the principal considerations in the present US initiative is to restore the huge mineral wealth of the Congo to Western corporations. During the war, Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe have benefited from looting gold and diamonds from Congo mines, whilst Zimbabwean soldiers and businessmen have begun regular hauls of copper and cobalt out of Katanga province.
After the UN meeting, African leaders were fêted by US businessmen. Maurice Templesman, Washington-based Corporate Council on Africa chair, hosted dinner at NY Metropolitan Club. Attending were presidents Kabila, Museveni (Uganda), Mugabe (Zimbabwe), dos Santos (Angola), Chiluba (Zambia) and Chissano (Mozambique). Templesman himself has several mining interests in Africa. Executives from the US Export-Import Bank, Amoco, Chevron and other companies were also present.
… massacre in NE Congo. DRC government & Ugandan-backed rebels whipped up fighting between Hema & Lendu ethnic groups, leading to the mass slaughter of women & children with machetes. Massacre came into prominence after little known charity Christian Blind Mission circulated video to news stations to coincide with UN meeting. … Belgian colonial administrators created and fomented the division between the pastoralist Hema & Lendu farmers in same way they divided Hutus & Tutsis in Rwanda. Mobutu won Western support for his regime when he continued with the same policy.
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African defense chiefs agree to withdraw troops from Congo

Defense chiefs from 6 African countries as well as rebel groups fighting in DRCongo signed an agreement Wed. to begin withdrawing troops from front-line positions later this month.
Rebel group absent from signing

HARARE, Zimbabwe   Defense chiefs from six African countries as well as rebel groups fighting in Democratic Republic of Congo signed an agreement Wednesday to begin withdrawing troops from front-line positions later this month. But Namibia's high commissioner (ambassador) to Zimbabwe expressed concern that the accord could fail for lack of a formal signature from one of the main rebel organizations. Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe, who has deployed a quarter of his country's army in the former Zaire, urged the warring parties to cooperate in pulling their forces back at nine miles. "Let today be a day of renewal of our common determination, commitment and resolve to ensure that peace wins in the DRC," Mugabe said at a signing ceremony in Harare.
"The implementation (of the agreement) should lead to the achievement of a rapid & total cessation of hostilities throughout the Democratic Republic of Congo," he added. Mugabe also called on the United Nations quickly to deploy monitors to observe the partial withdrawal. Zimbabwe is the backbone of a three-nation military alliance with Angola and Namibia that backs the embattled govt of Pres. Laurent Kabila. Rwanda and Uganda support separate rebel groups fighting to topple Kabila. Zimbabwe has 11,000 troops in Congo supporting Kabila. Congolese rebels took up arms in August 1998 to overthrow Kabila, accusing him of mismanagement and inciting ethnic hatred. The agreement, which is expected to take effect starting Dec. 15 and be completed within 45 days, was signed by defense chiefs from the rebel groups and six countries involved in the two-year-old conflict.

Rebel group absent from signing.
The defense chief of the Ugandan-backed Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC) was not present for the signing. But Zimbabwean government officials said the MLC had endorsed the plan at a meeting in
Lusaka last month. Namibian High Commissioner Ndali-Che Kamati said, however, he was concerned that the deal would fail without the MLC's formal signature. "They are one of the main players in the conflict and if leaders in the region do not succeed in persuading them to sign, that spoils the chances of the agreement holding," Kamati told Reuters in Harare. The MLC, headed by Jean-Pierre Bemba, operates in northern Congo and controls areas that are home to numerous gold & diamond mines.
Clashes in MLC-controlled areas have continued unabated since a shaky peace deal was reached by the combatants in the Zambian capital last year. Fighting continues in Pweto. Wednesday's agreement was signed against a backdrop of renewed fighting in which rebels captured the government-held town of Pweto earlier this week, triggering an exodus of refugees to neighboring Zambia. Rebel officials have claimed that Pweto fell to rebel forces Sunday evening. The UNHCR described the influx of Congolese refugees, the largest into Zambia during the 2-year Congo civil war, as an emergency. Zambia already is home to 200,000 refugees, most of whom fled nearly three decades of civil war in Zambia's western neighbor, Angola. About 10,000 refugees entered Zambia from Congo on Monday, and the UNHCR had no figures for Tuesday and Wednesday.
Refugees streaming into Zambia included about 3,000 Congolese soldiers and militiamen, and an undisclosed number of Zimbabwean soldiers, Zambian officials reported Wednesday. The U.N. refugee agency said authorities were trying to disarm the soldiers and keep them in holding camps. Zimbabwean army officials could not confirm reports of refugees. "Pweto was attacked ... but I have no details of the results of the attack," Zimbabwe Defense Forces Commander Vitalis Zvinavashe told reporters. All sides involved in the conflict signed a peace accord in Lusaka in 1999 and reaffirmed their commitment to it at a summit in Mozambique last month. But each side has repeatedly accused the other of launching fresh attacks in violation of the deal. Dubbed "Africa's World War One," the Congolese conflict has claimed thousands of lives and displaced more than 1.5 million people in Africa's third-largest nation.


Kabinda, Congo   Civilian death toll from 33-month Congo war may reach a staggering 2½ million, surpassing totals for any modern African war, according to humanitarian agency Intl Rescue Committee est. Relief workers moving into isolated areas of Congo find stunning levels of death, famine and disease in the wake of troop withdrawals. Released in full 5.7.01, NY based IRC study says only a few hundred thousand of the Congolese victims died in battle. Since the war has been waged largely in inaccessible jungle terrain, death estimates difficult. IRC estimate, if confirmed when war ends, suggests as much as 5% of Congo's 50 million pop. succumbed, topping est. 2million victims in 18 year Sudan civil war and 1 million who died during the late 1960s Biafra conflict. The IRC estimate, extrapolated from a survey of health districts in war-torn eastern Congo, has been criticized as "sensationalist" by the country's main rebel army. But the group's findings have been partly borne out by another aid agency, and its methodology was approved by the National Academy of Sciences.
  •   1 in 8 households experienced violent death since war started
  •   4 in 7 survey areas show 8% pop. or more die ea. yr
  •   about 40% women & children
  •   Aug. 1998 to April 2001 2.5 million deaths "in excess of qty normally expected", total 3.5 million of 19.9 million eastern DRC pop.
  •   350,000 of excess deaths from violence;   most due to malnutrition & disease ¹
As aid workers gain access to ever-larger areas of the vast nation, they are finding crisis conditions among the living, as well. According to U.N. statistics, at least one-third of Congo's population, or 16million people, are suffering from malnutrition. More than 2 million Congolese have been displaced from their homes, and 75% of the population lacks access to basic health care. Devastation is evident in places like Kabinda, a town that was the govt's last line of defense before a key stronghold, the diamond-rich town of Mbuji-Mayi. Kabinda is emerging from its own private hell. For 18 months the town's inhabitants became prisoners of war, along with thousands of displaced people who had fled an advancing army of Rwandan soldiers. Among them was Jacques Kamanda, who could do little more than stare out of the window of his grubby mud-and-wattle hut every morning toward the fields of cassava & maize that used to feed his family. Surrounded by dangerous combatants, he had to let the fields lie fallow. "Life was too hard," said Kamanda, cradling the fragile frame of his youngest child in his lap. The child's hair was tinged orange by malnutrition, and Kamanda's brow was furrowed by the trauma of a man long unable to care for his family. "We could never find enough food to eat, and if we needed medicines we were left in God's hands," Kamanda said.
The Congo conflict broke out Aug. 1998, when rebels backed by Rwanda & Uganda to the east went to war against then-President Laurent Kabila. 3 other countries to the south, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia, sent troops to aid Kabila's army, leading to a standoff that has divided the country in half. An agreement by all the warring parties to bring in U.N. peacekeeping troops gained momentum after Kabila was assassinated in January and his son, Joseph, assumed power.

Troop withdrawals are allowing humanitarian agencies & their staffs a tentative foothold in towns to which they have had no access for months or years. "Once we are able to reach towns like this, we can start assessing the needs and bringing relief, and towns like Kabinda need plenty of it," said Kees Tuinenburg, U.N. World Food Pgm country dir.   In some towns, aid workers are making even more unsettling discoveries. When Claude Jibidar & a team of World Food Pgm colleagues were allowed into the eastern town of Kasika, they were baffled by the results of a malnutrition survey. The team found malnutrition rates far higher among adults than among children, a trend that seemed to defy everything they had learned from years of dealing with humanitarian crises. Said Jibidar: "At first we thought there must be something wrong with the figures, until we realized what they were really telling us, namely, that the children had already died." Jibidar knows that agencies like his have their work cut out for them. He estimates as many as 1 million people in eastern Congo need food relief, and even if access & security are guaranteed, Congo's decayed infrastructure must be overcome.

Child soldier odyssey is Congo's war & destruction
5.7.01  
AP

BENI, Congo   Roget Kambule is a veteran of 3 rebel armies and has fought in 2 Congolese wars. He's been a presidential bodyguard, rewarded for his bravery and wounded by a grenade. He is 14 years old. "I killed people, but when you are fighting in the jungle you never know how many. It is difficult to verify," Roget said. "It wasn't so much a lot of children fought a lot more than me." Dressed in oversized fatigues and wearing a camouflage cap outside an empty warehouse, Roget may have finally reached the end of his fighting days. He is one of more than 100 child soldiers demobilized by the rebel Congolese Liberation Front. They are living in a warehouse in Beni, a small town in eastern Congo, until intl aid workers arrive to begin supervising their return to civilian life. Roget's odyssey is the story of Congo since 1996, when Rwanda threw its army behind a rebellion led by Laurent Kabila. Rwanda wanted to close Hutu refugee camps, and Kabila wanted to oust dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Roget wanted to be soldier. All of them succeeded.
Roget remembers when Rwandan Hutus flooded into his hometown of Goma in 1994. One million refugees crossed through the Goma border post into what was then called Zaire in a matter of weeks. They were fleeing the advancing Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front, fearing retaliation for Hutu government-orchestrated genocide of more than 500,000 Rwandans, mostly minority Tutsis. The UN set up camps for the refugees inside Zaire, but extremist Hutu leaders soon took control and used the camps to launch attacks against the new govt in Rwanda. Frustrated by attacks and persecution of Congolese Tutsis, Rwandan Pres. Kagame trained Kabila's rebel army in 1996 and sent his own troops to help close the camps & overthrow Mobutu. Roget, then only 9, heard Kabila was recruiting and joined. Roget said he was taken to a military camp near Rushunga in Rwanda, where he underwent 2 months of training.

"I followed the training and went to school to learn to think like a soldier," Roget said. "When the military training was over, I came back to fight Mobutu and to install Kabila." Roget fought his way north from Goma to Bunia, near the border with Uganda. There Mobutu's troops attempted a last stand, not only to keep control over eastern Congo, but also to protect the dictator's personal gold mine. Roget took part in some of the fiercest fighting of the 10-month war. Just below his left eye, he bears a dark scar from where a fragment from a rocket-propelled grenade hit him. His face is covered with small, permanent scratches from his life fighting in the thick African bush. In commendation for his courage, Roget became one of "The Kidogos," a group of child soldiers who served as Kabila's personal bodyguards. Kidogo means "small" in Swahili, and as a 10 year old, he met the definition. Roget traveled with Kabila to his eastern headquarters in Bukavu and to the southern city of Lubumbashi, where Kabila spent most of his time after taking control of Congo. When Kabila was away, Roget & the Kidogos were sent to guard the diamond mines that Kabila depended on for income.
Once in power, Kabila turned his back on his Rwandan & Ugandan backers and allied himself with rebels fighting the govts of those 2 nations. In Aug. 1998, Kagame threw his army behind a new group of Congolese rebels set on overthrowing Kabila. Roget was in eastern Congo at the time, and found himself fighting Kabila's govt. When the rebels split into 2 groups, one backed by Rwanda, the other by Uganda Roget found himself on the Ugandan side, fighting not only Congolese govt troops, but Ugandan rebels hiding in the snowcapped Rwenzori mountains on the border. Kabila was assassinated in January and replaced by his son, Joseph, giving impetus to implementing a cease-fire accord first signed in 1999. The truce is holding, but the political process meant to replace the fighting has yet to take hold.
Still, now that the Ugandan-backed Congolese rebels are unified under Jean-Pierre Bemba, leader of Congolese Liberation Front, the child soldiers are being sent home. Bemba has ordered all his commanders to identify children in their ranks and send them to one of three barracks in eastern Congo. Roget is among the first. The U.N. Children's Fund is drafting a plan for getting Roget & other child soldiers home and providing them with an education. Roget is looking forward to school and a normal life, and he hope his fighting days are over. "I can't do it again because I have seen that war doesn't make any difference," he said. "It doesn't mean anything."

Weekly Defense Monitor articles on child soldiers
3.1.01   5.25.00   10.28.99   7.15.99   4.29.99

When the World Food Pgm team finally got security clearance to make the trip to Kasika last month, it took their convoy of trucks an 30 days to travel 86 miles from Bukavu, on the eastern border near Rwanda. "This gives you an idea of the magnitude of the problem we face," said Jibidar, "particularly if you compare that to the size of the country. Even if we are assured access & security, you can see that we have a major undertaking ahead of us." The aid workers are all too aware that recent moves toward peace in Congo are shaky and just as suddenly as the tide of war ebbed from towns like Kabinda, it can come crashing back without warning. "Our ability to work effectively in Congo remains largely at the mercy of the belligerents," Tuinenburg said. "If they come back, then we are forced to leave."
For their part, the parties to the conflict continue to assure aid agencies that they will not obstruct the relief work. "In our area, humanitarian agencies have always been free to work," said Joseph Mudumbi, foreign affairs minister of the Rally for Congolese Democracy rebel faction. "We are doing what we can to facilitate the agencies because our people need help." The other main rebel group, the Congolese Liberation Front, said they were "more than serious" in their commitment to facilitate humanitarian action. "We are in a people's struggle, which means that whatever we do, we do for the population," said group's spokesman Dominique Kanku.
Despite rhetoric of cooperation & commitment to humanitarian principles, there is still, in the words of Mudumbi, "a lot of suspicion on both sides." Those suspicions were borne out late last month when the Rally for Congolese Democracy refused to allow the deployment of U.N. peacekeepers in the rebel-held town of Kisangani, citing alleged cease-fire violations by govt troops. There is also danger for relief workers. Last week, 6 Red Cross workers were murdered while traveling in rebel-held eastern Congo. Understandably, the aid agencies remain cautious about overextending their operations.

A major worry is that the amount of money being funneled into the relief operations seems dwarfed by the needs of the Congolese. World Food Pgm issued an appeal to rich countries in January to more than double its Congo food aid to $110million, but barely one-third of that request has been raised. UNICEF has received only a tenth of the $15million it asked for essential drugs & therapeutic feeding centers. U.S. disaster relief to Congo remains at just $13million. Halfway through the fiscal year, that sum has already been reached. Nevertheless, aid trickling in is bringing hope to the countryside. 2 weeks ago, for the first time since the town of Kabinda was encircled, an old cargo plane carrying medicine & food touched down on the nearby airstrip. Boys & men rushed barefoot to greet the plane and formed human chains to unload its cargo. For the people of Kabinda & towns like it across the front line of the war, the troop withdrawal is like a gift from God. "Now we can breathe again and pray for a normal life," Kamanda said.

For latest Congo "death census," the IRC 8 health districts in 5 eastern Congo provinces. It sent trained African staff members to 1,460 homes to ask inhabitants: How many people live here? Have any died in the last year? Results were tallied and compared with the number of deaths that the Centers for Disease Control & Prevention say should be expected in Congo: 1¹ deaths per 1,000 people per month. The rate assumes that, in peacetime, Congolese die at 3 times the rate of Americans. IRC teams found the war has multiplied that another 2 to 8 times.
The main rebel group controlling eastern Congo has condemned the team's preliminary findings as sensationalist." Thomas Nziratimana, Congolese Rally for Democracy spokesman, said that remote jungles the team says are full of dying people are in fact largely empty and that thousands of villagers have crowded into eastern Congo's few functioning cities to ride out the war's turmoil. Although epidemiologist Les Roberts, who led the study, acknowledged the risk of extrapolating a death rate for a whole province based on house-to- house interviews, a National Academy of Sciences committee approved the methodology. Some of the team's key findings, extremely high mortality among adults & extraordinary death rates among young children, were replicated by a second aid agency in a January survey of one relatively peaceful eastern Congo district. Around Kalima in Maniema province, British medical aid group Merlin documented 2 1/2 times more deaths than births.

For Congolese here in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the angel of death comes not bearing a sickle and riding a black horse, but in the form of Hutus and Tutsis. In this land, which up to 1997 was known as Zaire, the images painted of death, fear, suffering and poverty are overwhelming. Dr. Les Roberts, an epidemiologist recently led a team of surveyors in the Congo to compile a report for the New York based Intl Rescue Committee, a refugee organization. He tells the story of a small boy who had scabies, a trivial skin infection. But, for this Congolese child, death was already knocking at his door. As Roberts remembers: "He was oozing infected cuts all over his arms, and if he experienced any other illnesses, the chances of his bacterial infection becoming systemic would go way up, and the risk of his dying from this quite trivial illness was quite high." Roberts and his teams' findings were released this June by the IRC.
The report states that over 1.7 million excess deaths have occurred over the past 22 months as a result of fighting in the eastern DRC. This equates to 77,000 deaths per month, a conservative estimate according to IRC officials. Surveyors led by Dr. Roberts, found also that the majority of deaths in the Congo are attributable not only to violence as a result of war, but to diseases and malnutrition. "On average, some 2600 people are dying every day in this war and our research found that the first months of the year 2000 were even worse than 1999," said Roberts, adding that the death toll from this war has been consistently and woefully underestimated and the humanitarian response remains disproportionately small compared to other recent crises.

The IRC surveyors also found that some 34 percent of the excess deaths are children under 5, and, depending on the location, 30 to 40 percent are children under two years of age. In addition to the violent deaths of children in battle zones, it is presumed that excessive infant mortality rates and high maternal death rates have contributed to this troubling discovery. Dr. Roberts and his team also found that "violent deaths" and "non-violent" deaths are inseparable. In eastern DRC, war means disease. In areas surveyed, the higher the number of victims from infectious disease and malnutrition. Access to any kind of health service is severely limited in areas where there is a high level of violence or for populations forced to flee unrest. Researchers concluded by stating that "there is a direct link between deaths by disease and deaths by violence; when violence increased, so did disease."
"Eastern DRC is an unchecked incubation zone for disease. In the five surveys conducted, both endemic and epidemic illnesses were rampant, with major outbreaks of cholera, shigella, and meningitis reported by households. Suspected polio was reported in two of the five areas," writes Roberts. Violence against civilians is inflicted by all sided in the war, researchers found. Among the deaths attributed to violence, family members and witnesses reported that killings were committed at a similar frequency by both govt and rebel forces. Violence against civilians, it was found is indiscriminate. Women and children constituted 47% of the violent deaths reported. The overall mortality rate in the year 2000 is higher than it was in 1999, the research states. The numbers appear to be climbing and none of the collected information indicates a decline in the forseeable future," says Roberts. The IRC conducted a series of five mortality surveys in eastern DRC between April 18th and May 27th, in order to quantify the levels of civilian death and violence and to guide health programs for war-afflicted populations. The areas surveyed incl the city of Kisangami in Orientale Province, Katana and Kabare Health Zones in South Kivu Province & approx. 1,000 square kilometers surrounding Moba in Katanga Province.

These sites represent three of five eastern provinces in DRC and have a collective estimated population of 1.2 million people. The estimated population living in all five eastern provinces is nearly 20 million. From these surveys, Dr. Roberts and the IRC calculate that over 2.3 million people died in these five provinces between August 1998 and May 2000. Using a baseline mortality rate of 1.5/1000/month as suggested by the Centers for Disease Control, 600 thousand people would be expected to die in this area during this time. Of the 1.7 million excess deaths, 200,000 were attributable to acts of violence. The vast majority was due to the war-related collapse of the region's health infrastructure and delivery of health and nutrition services. Today, most health centers in the DRC do not have drugs, researchers found. "Maternal and child health services are grossly inadequate. Vaccination programs have ceased. Many health professionals have fled the region. Health facilities are looted or destroyed by the warring groups. This breakdown allows common illnesses such as malaria, diarrheal diseases and respiratory infections to run rampant and kill. The tragedy is that these deaths are preventable when help is available," Roberts states. He reflects still on the Eastern D.R. Congo, which is quite rural, so much so that people live in small hamlets distributed across the countryside which can only be reached by foot or motorbike. He writes " … it was the first time we realized just how profoundly displacement means death in the Eastern D.R. Congo. These folks, from an area the size of a small state, have virtually all fled to the area near Bukavu, and we were dumbfounded to find that fully seven percent of these people's families had died in the last six months."

Severe displacement was also found in the port town of Moba, in the south of the country. Roberts says that people (there) would often flee into the bush and spend weeks without food, water containers, blankets and shelter and would die. Reacting to the report's findings, Reynold Levy, IRC's president said that "The loss of life in Congo has been staggering. It's as if the entire population of Houston was wiped off the face of the earth in a matter of months. With this new evidence in hand, policy makers must take action," said Levy. "Securing peace and financing humanitarian aid at much higher levels will be necessary to stem the tide of death revealed in this report." The Intl Rescue Committee is calling for increased humanitarian assistance in proportion to the horrific level of death and suffering in the DRCongo; unconditional and unrestricted access to needy populations in order to facilitate the delivery of life saving humanitarian aid; international support for robust UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC and an immediate ceasefire by the warring parties and a renewed commitment to resolve the conflict. "Until then, 2600 excess civilian deaths per day will mark the time spent waiting for peace," states IRC researchers.
War in the DRCongo dates back to August 1998 when rebel forces, backed by Rwanda and Uganda, launched a drive to overthrow the govt of President Laurent Kabila. Nearly two years later, the conflict continues to ravage the region. Aug. 1998 outbreak of the civil war in the eastern part of the DRC took the entire country by surprise. Reports indicate that many people who had traveled to Kinshasa before the fighting for work, business, studies or personal affairs, were caught unexpectedly in the city, unable to return home. Others, expecting the conflict to end quickly, fled their homes to seek protection in the capital during the early stages of the war. As a result, Kinshasa currently hosts over 13 thousand internally displaced persons, who have been cut off from their homes and families since August 1998, with little possibility of return.

The problem of displacement is nationwide, says activists who have traveled to the country. Over 1.1 million people througout the country have fled their homes and villages to escape the violence, many into the Congo's vast rainforest most into cities and towns, where an estimated 4 million people provide lodging for them. Since 1994, however, the people of eastern DR Congo have had over one million refugees pass through their fields and towns, bee n terrorized by various armed groups, and seen their economic, social and political coping mechanisms weakened or wiped out. Eastern DR Congo is the home to a variety of ethnic groups including a small population of Banyamulenge, a group of ethnic Tutsis who migrated from Rwanda generations ago. The Banyamulenge have often been the target of jealousy and distrust due to their relative economic success and the fact that they have maintained a closed society, rarely marrying or interacting with other ethnic groups in the region.
During the early 1990's, Mobutu Sese Seko, the Congo's (formerly Zaire) president, fomented this distrust in speeches and repeatedly denied nationality and other citizenship rights to this population. In neighboring Rwanda, the 1994 genocide and civil war resulted in close to one million deaths (mostly Tutsi). With the genocidal govt losing the war, over one million Hutu refugees fled into eastern DR Congo and huge refugee camps were formed near the Rwandan border. Hutu soldiers used these camps to stage campaigns of terror into Rwanda and the surrounding countryside of the DR Congo. These two destabilizing phenomena then coverged upon eastern DR Congo. In 1996, the Banyamulenge revolted against new oppressive actions of the Mobutu regime. Rwanda had been training and supporting the Banyamulenge and provided troops to assist the revolt.

The Rwandan govt used this opportunity to attack the camps in eastern DR Congo in an attempt to defeat the Hutu military remaining there. The camps exploded and hundreds of thousands of people spontaneously began walking home to Rwanda, while hundreds of thousands of others fled into the dense forests of DR Congo. A few months later, the Rwandan led revolt succeeded in reaching Kinshasa, the capital, and ended Mobutu's thirty year dictatorship. Laurent Kabila was named the new president. In mid 1998, Rwanda's dissatisfaction with the new DR Congo govt erupted. Kabila had been unable to control his eastern border and the former soldiers of the deposed Rwandan Hutu govt continued to attack Rwanda at will, resulting in a daily death toll. Rwanda again supported a revolt that began in eastern DR Congo in August 1998. What began as a civil war quickly became international; Uganda sent troops to support the rebellion and to attack Ugandan rebels based in eastern DR Congo. Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Chad sent troops to support Kabila's forces.
The country is now divided in two, as neither the rebel controlled eastern side nor the govt controlled western side can decisively win the war. The result, according to the IRC: "The security of host families and communities is marginal(ized) as residents struggle to survive in an economy that has been devastated by war. Eighty percent of govt revenues are spent on the war effort and escalating military expenditures, while the disruption of food production and transport have led to a 333 percent rate of inflation."


USAID   democracy pgm
IFES
Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania   OAU Sec.Gen. Salim Ahmed Salim called on world community to back Pres. J. Kabila's efforts to restore peace in DRCongo, the official Sunday News reported Sunday. The OAU would continue pursuing peace in the mineral-rich country by helping parties to the conflict to reach a consensus, the paper quoted Salim as saying. "President Kabila has clearly demonstrated his disposition to work seriously with former Botswana President Ketumile Masire to find a solution to the crisis," he said.
"I think Kabila needs the support of the international community and I believe all the parties involved in the war in the Congo will be better served if they all work together for the implementation of the Lusaka Accord," he said. "We (the OAU) are against any attempts at dismembering that country. We are for the sovereignty of that country. And we have made that abundantly clear from the very beginning of the crisis," he added. …
[ Weren't these Rwandan "rebels" armed as a result of U.S. weapons deals ? ]
privateers in
Colombia (Castano)
Peru   Rwanda
Sierra Leone
UN peacekeepers
With red tape & bureaucracy out of the way at last, the first contingent of the S.African National Defence Force troops to be part of UN peace-keeping force left S.Africa for DRCongo on Thursday. Headed by LtCol. Juan Blignaut & SgtMajor Ashley Bouwer, the 6 strong aero-medical emergency team left South African soil in a 28 Squadron C-130 transport aircraft. Def.Minister Mosiuoa Lekota accompanied the head of the armed forces, Gen. Siphiwe Nyanda, & acting head LtGen. Roelf Beukes to see them off. Blignaut said at Waterkloof airbase before the departure: "This is a first for all of us and although we do not know exactly what is expected of us we are ready, willing and able to help wherever we can. We are proud of being South Africans, we are well prepared and will do our jobs efficiently." They are the first of an eventual 80 to 90-strong SANDF contingent which will spend at least a year in the DRC as part of a multinational United Nations peace-keeping force. The remainder of the South African troops, comprising air cargo handling and firefighting teams as well as a 20-strong support element, will be airlifted to the DRC capital by April 27.
    corporations
Herman J. Cohen, pres. Cohen & Woods Intl,   lobbyist for L. Kabila,
1994-1998 Sr advisor Global Coalition for Africa, 38 year diplomat, last Asst Sec.State for Africa in Bush pere admin.

World Bank   abstracts

Senior IMF Official Cautiously Optimistic
5.10.01  
IRIN

Nairobi   IMF asst dir. for Africa Jean Clement said Wed. he was "heartened" by the attitude of the new authorities in DRCongo, although debt arrears meant the IMF could not offer new loans yet, Reuters reported from Kinshasa. Clement was in the DRC capital with an IMF delegation for second round of talks on resuming aid. "We are here to finish evaluation of the economic situation and to discuss an agreement on staff monitoring of the govt's interim pgm," he told Reuters. "As the country is still in arrears to the IMF, our charter prevents an agreement on additional loans." Under such a pgm, IMF staff would be posted to various govt institutions for up to a year, after which donors could come up with a loan to help finance Congo's massive external debt & arrears payments, depending on progress. New Cong. Pres. Jos. Kabila reopened dialogue with the IMF during a Feb. visit to Washington following years of tense relations with late former presidents Laurent-Desire Kabila & Mobutu Sese Seko

Trade & project financing
9.3.99   Commerce Dept National Trade Data Bank

With only one commercial bank currently providing letters of credit, trade financing is difficult. ExIm Bank Financing is not available. World Bank and the African Development Bank are lending to the Congo, … the World Bank is concentrating on privatization & financial sector reform before moving to sectoral projects. … The Union Congolaise des Banques has a correspondent relation with CitiBank.
Tradeport
Mbendi

State Dept FY2001 commercial guide

Congo set on reviving Mining Industry;
Introduces New Mining Code

3.01   Mazal U'Bracha

DRCongo outlined new mining code to encourage foreign investment in hope of reviving current mining industry standstill. In recent years, political instability & rebel conflict has compelled foreign investors to halt production activities in the region. According to Andre Lwanyi, Permanent Secretary of Mines, mining rights would be granted using a transparent, uniform system on a first come-first serve basis and would not be taken away arbitrarily. A draft code is expected by April. In addition, a new fiscal regime will be introduced. "There will be no tax exemptions, but rates will be reasonable and will take in to account projects' profitability," says Lwanyi. The Minister of Mines will have the power to grant mining titles and will streamline procedures to register companies, no longer requiring the president's signature. Other key features include introduction of environmentally friendly regulations for waste treatment & promotion of small-scale mining. "Our goal is to make our country internationally competitive & attractive to foreign investors," says Lwanyi adding "the Congo is open for business." The country's diamond reserves are estimated at 240 million carats. Meanwhile, the Congolese Government is compiling a list of abandoned mines that could be reopened.

Congo's business leaders condemn IDI for economic collapse
10.00   Mazal U'Bracha

DRCongo business leaders recently blamed collapse in the country's currency & worsening economic problems on the govt's decision to award an exclusive export agreement to Israeli based IDI Diamonds. Under the agreement which Kinshasa diamond merchants fervently oppose, DRC govt will suspend all other existing diamond export licenses. Since diamond merchants have allegedly rejected the proposal to sell their diamonds to IDI Diamonds, there have been reportedly no foreign exchange earnings since the announcement of the new agreement. DRC govt plans to set up an arbitrational body to settle pricing disputes between IDI & traders. The Congolese Business Federation (FEC) warned DRC's Minister for Economy, Trade & Industry Gregoire Bakeandeja that the severe foreign currency shortage could lead to an economic collapse.

DRCongo creates "one-stop" investment office
2.24.00   CCA

"My office, the Special Advisor Responsible for Investments, was created in an effort to show the world community that the DROC has a new view of the country's relationship with investors," Dr. Ntanda Nkingi Nkere, Special Asst to President Kabila, told a CCA audience at a gathering on February 24. Dr. Nkere admitted that the DROC Govt of President Laurent Kabila had received numerous complaints from investors about the bureaucratic maze in Kinshasa. "Our office is an attempt to remedy those complaints, to see what can be done so that investors feel at ease and can get down to business in the Congo," said Dr. Nkere. Dr. Nkere left his teaching position at the College of Notre Dame of Maryland to return to the Congo and set up the new office at the invitation of Pres. L.Kabila. Nkere's office is designed to take over activities previously undertaken by a variety of Ministries. Potential investors and business people were forced to deal with the Central Bank, the Ministry of Finance & the sectoral ministries to operate in the Congo.
Under the new dispensation, Dr. Nkere & his staff will be the point of contact with the DRC Govt, and will assume responsibility for shepherding investors through the govt's processes. "Strong support from President Kabila is our leverage," Nkere said, although he admitted that they had already encountered resistance in getting project files from the bureaucracy. Nkere noted that investment is currently governed by a code which was inherited from the previous regime and is out of date. A new investment code should be forthcoming later this year, which will deal with taxes, repatriation of profits, and new laws and procedures to facilitate investment. Central African conflict is the most crucial issue facing the DROC, Nkere admitted, but called upon investors to come to the Congo when "your involvement will have not only economic consequences, but political and social consequences as well." Dr. Nkere's program was sponsored by Lazare Kaplan Inc

not for long, no doubt
Banks shun mining projects in DRCongo
Jan. '99   Reuters

Foreign mining companies seeking cash for projects in the war torn DRCongo are getting a firm "no" from the world's biggest lenders to the industry. "We've been asked to take a look at projects in the Congo; the answer is no," Peter Dupak, Chase Securities' global mining & metals group vp (corporate & project mine financing global leader Chase Manhattan Bank), told a conference in Johannesburg. "I think the political situation has to settle down there. It may take 2 or 3 years," he added. Chase Manhattan was the biggest lender to global mining projects in 1997 at US$1.36 billion, followed by Citibank at US$548 million. Chase was also the industry's biggest corporate lender at nearly US$8 billion last year, with Canada's Bank of Nova Scotia second at US$4.8 billion. "I don't think North American banks would have an appetite for the region at the moment," said Robert Fig, subsidiary Scotia Mocatta assoc. dir. of base metals in London. Fig said the Canadian bank would prefer to work with a S.African bank partner in exploring financing opportunities in the region. "S.Africans have more exposure in dealing in Africa," he said.
Several foreign miners are eyeing projects in mineral rich Congo which shares the Central African Copperbelt with Zambia. The former Zaire was one of the world's leading copper-cobalt producers, with annual output as high as 475 000 tonnes of copper and 17 000 tonnes of cobalt in the 1980s.
But mismanagement & corruption during three decades of rule under the former dictator Mobuto Sese Seko led to the collapse of the state-owned Gecamines' in the early 1990s. Mobutu's ouster last year by President Laurent Kabila raised hopes of bright future for the impoverished country. But a spluttering restructuring of Gecamines and a bloody civil war that began in August has caused delays and scared some investors away. S.Africa's Iscor Ltd is one of the few companies to win presidential approval for plans to refurbish the Kamoto copper & cobalt mine. S.Africa's Anglo American Corp. & Texas-based America Mineral Fields are still awaiting approval for their Kolwezi tailings project. Anglo is also part of consortium negotiating for Kolwezi Group West, a massive rehabilitation project that would involve reviving large open pits & dumps with a capacity to produce 400 000 tonnes of copper and 15 000 tons of cobalt annually for over 20 years. Canada's Tenke Mining Corporation is close to completing a feasibility study on its US$475 million copper-cobalt project, but it needs a partner to share the costs.
Dupak said the outlook for other S.African countries is more positive despite the current lack of available capital due to slumping commodity prices. "With respect to the availability of capital, we're currently in a situation of poor liquidity, but anybody who has been in this industry as long as I have knows that it is cyclical. It will last a couple of years, maybe three, and we'll be into the next cycle," Dupak said.

Clinton Legacy: Uplifting Rhetoric, Grim Realities
… during Clinton historic spring of 1998 12 day trip to Africa, he spoke of potential for an "African Renaissance" sparked by a "new generation of African leaders" in nations such as Uganda, Rwanda, and Eritrea. In 1999, passage of African Growth & Opportunity Act with stated goal of creating solid economic partnerships with African countries to integrate them into the global economy and help facilitate the African Renaissance. Jan. 2000, UN Amb. Richard Holbrooke … genocide in Rwanda, chaotic transition of power from Mobutu to Laurent Kabila in DRCongo, Kabila succeeded in office by his son who had been in charge of DRC's armed forces during his father's rule. … Clinton admin openly supported undemocratic regimes of Paul Kagame in Rwanda and Yoweri Museveni in Uganda, holding them as a model of new leadership to solve Africa's problems of debt, poverty, and conflict.
Clinton's pro-democracy, pro-growth rhetoric concealed same policy as during Cold War, U.S. arms & training to favored allies. Despite State Dept HRts reports of Rwanda & Uganda military abuses in their own countries & DRCongo, US continued millions of dollars worth of arms & training to these regimes. $75 million in emergency military assistance of arms & military training toKagame's Rwanda govt in 1994 after the genocide & regicide. Clinton administration actively lobbied to withdraw UN forces from the country; could have supported efforts to stop the killing. Result millions dead in Rwanda and eastern DRCongo even as U.S. corporations in region mining deals.

Many bear responsibility for unopposed Rwandan genocide and DRCongo war. Past U.S. arms shipments to Africa in fuel current conflicts in Angola & DRCongo. During Cold War, US shipped $1.5 billion in armaments to African military forces, including $400 million in arms & training to Mobutu's DRCongo and over $250 million to Jonas Savimbi's UNITA forces in Angola. Since Berlin Wall fall, U.S. arms transfers to Africa continued. From 1989 to 1998, US provided $227million+ in weapons & training to African military forces, of which over $111 million went to govts directly or indirectly involved in DRCongo war: Angola, Burundi, Chad, DRCongo, Namibia, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. ¹ Addtl $75million emergency aid to Rwanda in 1994.
US repeatedly declared commitment to peace in Great Lakes region and supported every UN Resolution toward that goal. Yet flow of U.S. arms not ceased. Despite failure to withdraw armies from DRCongo, Rwanda, Uganda, Namibia and Zimbabwe all continued to receive U.S. arms &/or military training as of 1999/2000, most recent year's statistics. Of $19.5 million delivered to African armed forces FY1999, $4.8 million to nations directly or indirectly in DRCongo war, one-third, $1.6million, to Uganda. ² Arms transfers declined markedly in last few years, U.S. military training programs in region brisk. Africa Demilitarization project analysis at Ctr for Intl Policy est. FY2000 countries involved in DRCongo war or other African conflicts received substantial U.S. training: Chad ($2.9 million), Zimbabwe ($1.4 million), Rwanda ($.13 million), Namibia ($.5 million), Uganda ($.1 million), and Ethiopia & Eritrea (roughly $100,000 each). 3

Participation by African nations in Pentagon's Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) program dropped significantly in FY1999, most recent year for which full statistics are available. JCET programs in Africa during 1999 were conducted in Chad (35 personnel trained), Namibia (39 students trained), Djibouti, Mali, and Malawi.5 African Ctr for Strategic Studies, U.S.-initiated school that allegedly trains foreign military personnel in management issues, has hosted soldiers from Angola, Chad, the DRC, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Liberia, Namibia, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, and Zimbabwe in recent years.
[ Aren't these the military officers accused of plundering mineral wealth to fund children soldier armies ? ]
These Africa programs are modest on scale of U.S. arms sales worldwide of $16billion+ in 1999; symbolically & substantively important they endorse key nations in DRCongo war.

Economic Interests Link
DRCongo economic exploitation by direct parties to conflict incl Zimbabwe, Namibia, UNITA, Angola, the CLF (Congolese Liberation Front, formerly Movement for the Liberation of Congo, MLC) and RCD (Congolese Rally for Democracy) Goma and RCD Kisangani to fuel fighting. Little attention given to Western corporations exploiting DRCongo minerals in midst of multi-sided civil war. Africans need Western technology, investment and cooperation to transfer minerals. Africans do not process these minerals; they are processed in the West. Africans are not dependant upon minerals used in high-tech industry, sophisticated defense projects, or materials used in space exploration. The West, esp. US, is dependent strategic minerals, many of which the U.S. does not produce. Africa does not have retail diamonds market; they are cut & distributed in the West. Uganda exports diamonds although not a diamond-producing nation. These exports could not occur without Western corporations. Karl Vick, Wash.Post re increasing colombium-tantalum exports from Congo an excellent case study of strategic minerals' role in sustaining DRCongo war Scarce mineral used in aircraft engines to computer chips. Tantulum exports from Congo via Rwanda skyrocketed in late 2000. Profits from DRCongo minerals are an issue in any viable peace accord.
Western corporations know African countries in DRCongo war use DRCongo mineral revenues to purchase military equipment. Corporate collaboration very quiet but significant influence in severe fighting in mineral rich areas in Katanga province between RCD factions in Kisangani. Likely that U.S. mining interests have benefited from the war. Economic windfall from controlling key mining areas makes durable cease-fire much more difficult. U.S. encouraged mineral investment in the unstable, fractured, and undemocratic country. State Dept claims "DRCongo is a potential partner for increasing U.S. investment in minerals,"; these investments are in the U.S. national interest. U.S. has done little to encourage human investment. …

U.S. corporations were very active in vying for new mineral deals with L. Kabila, even while as rebel leader. Wall St Journal gathered from, "an American pilot flying for the rebels." U.S. trained rebel high commissioner of finance Mawampanga Mwana was key liaison for deals with U.S. mining companies. Bechtel Corp. worked closely with Kabila to draw up "most complete mineralogical & geographical data of former Zaire ever assembled, information worth a fortune to any prospective mining or oil firm." Relationship between Bechtel & Kabila's rebels went beyond business. Robt Stewart, Bechtel exec became a close Kabila advisor, travelling the country at his side "to help him deal with ethnic uprisings." Suspicions that Bechtel's information assisted Kabila in war strategy.
Classic cronyism in first mining deal made with L. Kabila by American Mineral Fields. At the time, the head of AMF was Mike McMurrough, a native of Bill Clinton's home town of Hope, Arkansas. AMF secured a $1 billion deal for the mining of cobalt & copper. Reported AMF in negotiation with Kabila well before many throughout DRCongo were aware of Kabila's visions or political philosophy. DRCongo minerals are considered among world's purest & "under-explored" in experts' eyes. … Corporations willing to endure country's instability for future profits. Unlike many other African countries where large, established firms control natural resource extraction, DRCongo is somewhat frontier …
Jan. 2001 rebel Cong. Rally for Democracy statement said it was selling mining 'monopolies' in areas it controls. Also been reported the area controlled by Jean Pierre Bemba "has become a separate economy" in which "Foreign entrepreneurs involved in developing businesses for market of 7 million pop."

Bush Policy & Prospects for Peace in the DRC
DRCongo currently in uneasy peace. UN Mission in DRCongo reported cease-fire violations in Equateur province 3.13.01   Fighting between CLF (new faction composed of the MLC & breakaway faction of RCD Kisangani) and Congolese army also continues. Although Rwanda & Uganda made efforts to withdraw troops from DRCongo, J. Kabila continues to ask Western countries to apply pressure on them to completely withdraw.   3.14.01 J. Kabila met with Robin Cook & Tony Blair to ask help removing "Rwanda & Uganda forces in Congo illegally." … UN Security Council resolution in March for withdrawal of all foreign forces & ceasefire among internal combatants as condition for 3,000 man UN monitoring force in DRCongo. First time since war began that belligerent countries actively withdrew their troops.… … Bush stated during campaign Africa was not a major area of US national security interest; key advisors suggest otherwise.
[ More importantly, Bechtel disagrees ]
Africa Bureau diplomats were first regional bureau group to meet Sec.State C. Powell when he took office. In recent months, he mentioned Africa AIDS crisis and need to resolve longstanding Sudan war.
[ Since when are unopposed torched villages, slave raids & kill'n'go chopper missions "warfare" ? Answer: when you sold the weapons & trained officers commanding them.]

… Detailed assessment of Bush admin Africa goals from Powell's appt Asst Sec.State for African Affairs Walter Kansteiner III, recycled Bush pere Defense Dept strategic minerals task force& former commodity trading & manufacturing co. exec. vp that mainly worked with developing countries. … Collaboration of corporate interests and arms & training to African countries have devastating effects. 1990s Kansteiner essays re Clinton admin Great Lakes region policy agreed with perceived Clinton neglect of unfolding disaster, "any U.S. attempt to become militarily involved would have been a very unfortunate mistake."
[ esp. since Bechtel already had invaluable Kabila map & AMF had billion$ contract. War is only profitable before the mining deal ]
U.S. already had extensive military legacy in region. Kansteiner admits U.S. has political & economic interests in central Africa and claims "Zaire is the key country in the region," he states "our involvement needs to be on quiet diplomatic & political level." … U.S. has been disengaged on humanitarian issues but not military & economic issues. Kansteiner market-oriented economic reforms for American trade & investment ignore evidence that focus on mineral extraction fosters govt corruption rather than economic development, leaving populace in abject poverty, more prone to fight 'diamond wars' & 'oil wars' for miniscule wealth that's still more opportunity than their own govt provides. Kansteiner believes "economies are more apt to prosper with private sector management," resulting in benefits for all Africans.
[ Ronald Reagan called this voodoo economics then worshipped it. ]
He does not address the importance of creating a strong civil society before encouraging private investment, … why free market policies alone don't foster democratic change, and can be impediment to democracy. He criticized Clinton for supporting Ugandan govt because of "Museveni's excellent economic policies."
[ It IS highly profitable, if not necessarily excellence, to make your intl loan payments, army payroll and munitions purchases with your neighbor's diamonds stolen by armed robbery & strong arm extortion. ]
He asserted "market-oriented systems [will] integrate the continent into the world economy." This approach will lessen govt control, allowing African economies to flourish, in Kansteiner's view.

When J. Kabila visited U.S. after his father's death, he met with Corporate Council on Africa, and was introduced by Maurice Tempelsman. Kabila, "promised to make the country safe for investors and reassured the Chevron Oil Company that under his leadership there would be stability."
[ Hopefully, he only said this in order to get out of the room alive. He must know Thos. Sankara's fate ]
Former NSA C.Rice board seat Chevron has at least a $75 million investment in the Congo. DRCongo made significant moves to liberalize oil & diamond sector. Commission specifically to deal with liberalization & new mining code being drafted fit Bush admin economic theories that do nothing for DRCongo humanitarian situation nor contribute to infrastructure & development of democratic institutions. Exclusive mining sector focus undermines development.
Despite Colin Powell's acknowledged interest in Africa and expressed concern about the development of major oil producing countries such as Angola and Nigeria, beyond short meetings with Kagame and J. Kabila, he has not been outspoken about the peace process in the DRCongo. Given their military, security, and corporate backgrounds, Colin Powell, Condoleeza Rice, and Walter Kansteiner lack humanitarian experience essential for crafting constructive DRCongo policy … or canceling debt accrued under the leadership of Cold War puppets like Mobutu Sese Seko.

Peace Recommendations
5000+ UN troops pledged to UN monitoring group in Congo MONUC, will do little to end the war. To end fighting,lobby for substantially increased UN presence. Currently UN authorized 13,000 Sierra Leone force, a far smaller country geographically and in terms of population. UN difficulties in this tiny country well publicized. … As in Sierra Lone, Angola and other African countries, once mineral resources are at stake, it's much more difficult to end fighting. Recent UN reports show extensive linkages between arms and mining among savvy participants. … Security Council should impose embargo on corporations, individuals, and nations that seek to plunder the DRC's mineral resources in ways that fuel the civil war. An arms embargo should be implemented against all remaining parties in the DRC. Western countries that have DRCongo investments should earmark significant funds for peacekeeping, disarmament and establishing democratic civil society there. Recent World Bank research suggested countries that rely heavily on primary commodity exports have low educational levels, limited economic opportunities for youth and suffer protracted civil conflicts. Change conditions that breed Africa conflict; re-think "free market fundamentalism" policy towards developing countries. De-emphasize austerity & "structural adjustment" in favor of direct public investments in education and productive employment generating activities. … The U.S.role fostering instability by decades-long Mobutu regime support means a special responsibility to lead new peace investing, not fueling conflict.

¹   Deadly Legacy: U.S. Arms to Africa & the Congo War, NY, World Policy Inst. Jan. 2000, pp8- 10
²   Figures incl deliveries under Foreign Military Sales (FMS), Commercial Sales, and Intl Military Education & Training (IMET) programs FY1999, from U.S. Defense Dept, Defense Security Cooperation Agency, Foreign Military Sales, Foreign Military Construction Sales, and Foreign Military Assistance Facts as 9.30.99; figures do not incl other U.S. military training programs such as Pentagon's Joint Combined Exchange Training program (JCET)
3   "U.S. Foreign Military Training to Africa FY2000"
4   Asst Sec.Defense for Special Ops/Low-Intensity Conflict under sect. 2011 Title 10, USCode annual report to Congress 4.3.00 via Adam Isaacson, Ctr for Intl Policy
5   State Dept Cong. presentation for Foreign Ops FY2000 p96
6   5.5.97 "Zaire's Rebels Are Set To Win, but Can They Govern?" Robt Block Wall St Journal
7   4.14.97 "As Zaire's War Wages, Foreign Businesses Scramble for Inroads" Robt Block, Wall St Journal
8   10.14.97 "U.S. Firm Seek Deal in Central Africa" Robt Block, Wall St Journal
9   6.97 "Zaire: Kabila's Desirable Deals" Francois Misser, African Business
4.14.97 "As Zaire's War Wages, Foreign Businesses Scramble for Inroads" Robt Block Wall St Journal
10   2.8.01 "Deadly Reasons for New Congo Borders" Houston Chronicle
11   10.00 "While Kabila flounders, rebel thrives" F.Misser, African Business
12   3.14.01 "Kabila Calls for UK Pressure on Rwanda, Uganda" UN IRIN (Nairobi)
13   4.97 "Zaire" Issue Briefs W.Kansteiner Forum For Intl Policy
14   5.6.98 "Pres. Clinton's African Experience" Issue Briefs W.Kansteiner Forum For Intl Policy
15   3.16.98 "Mr. Clinton Goes to Africa" Issue Briefs W.Kansteiner Forum For Intl Policy
16   2.12.01 "Maneuvering to Control Congo" Post of Zambia
17   1.26.00 "Chevron to Boost Investment in DRCongo" PR Newswire

Monopoly on DRCongo wonder mineral ends
3.31.01   Nick Long
Sunday Independent

Kinshasa   Rebel authorities in DRCongo announced Saturday they were scrapping a monopoly on exports of colombite tantalite, or coltan, the lucrative mineral that is allegedly fuelling the war in the east of the country. … Last Christmas, when shoppers fumed at the shortage of PlayStation 2 platforms, the reason was a global shortage of the black sand. An exclusive contract to export 100 tons of coltan every month was granted last Nov. to the SOMIGL company which offered $10 (about R80) a kilogram export duty to the rebels, the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD). But in February SOMIGL bought only 27 tons and paid only $270,000 tax, say the RCD authorities, who blame smuggling for most of the shortfall. "We realise the monopoly isn't working so we've decided to get rid of it," said Dr Adolphe Onusumba, the president of the RCD. "We want to raise as much as possible from coltan so that we can realise our main objectives of saving lives, fixing hospitals and getting medicines for people in need."
At Luruo village in N.Kivu, where coltan miners & their bosses say each digger makes between $2 & $5 a day, social services are virtually non-existent. Milenge Gasaza, the local teacher, said the school has closed down due to insecurity, and Justin Amani, the village pharmacist, appears to have run out of the most basic medicines. A few huts have been roofed with corrugated iron and some miners have taken second wives, said Emanuel Molindwa, a local priest, last weekend. "But living standards are worse than they were before the war," he said.

When war broke out in the Congo Aug. 1998 hardly anyone had heard of coltan and it was selling on the intl market for less than 15% of its current price. "At that time no one could know what coltan would cost," said Onusumba, who denied UN reports that coltan is an implicit motive for the war. In the past 18 months the price has doubled & redoubled till it reached about $440 a kilogram last December, before settling at about $330. Miners see little of the proceeds. On average they might dig 5kg a month of coltan ore, which averages about 15 to 18% coltan. Each kilo sells for about $10 to the middlemen, who have been forced to sell to SOMIGL for $20 a kilo. The product is partially refined till it averages 20% to 50% coltan then exported to Rwandan capital Kigali and from there to Europe.The value of the Congo's exported coltan ranges between $30 and $80 a kilo, said Nestor Kyimbi, RCD's mining dept head. The RCD said coltan raised more for them than gold or diamonds combined. Kyimbi estimated that about 100 to 150 tons had been exported legally or smuggled from the Congo each month since the middle of last year, a claim backed by Victor Ngezayo, former president of Sakima, a U.S.-owned mining company in Kivu whose equipt has been confiscated by the rebels.

RCD figures suggest total proceeds from Congolese exports of the mineral could amount to $5.5million to $8million a month, with the companies exporting from Rwanda making further profits. Ngezayo believes the value per kilogram of the exports could be much higher. UN experts have been investigating how much the top people in Rwanda & DRCongo benefit from coltan, and their report was due to be heard on Friday at the UN security council in New York. It may be no coincidence that Onusumba announced the end of SOMIGL's monopoly on the same day. Politicians & security chiefs in Congo & Rwanda are essential partners for any company doing business in their territory, said Ngezayo, who said the SOMIGL monopoly was not intended to clamp down on smuggling but to encourage it, thereby netting more profits for an inner group of rebels & Rwandans who organise the smuggling themselves. It is a charge that Onusumba hardly bothers to deny. "I can't say yes or no," he said, when asked if the security chiefs were involved in smuggling. "I can't say that such & such a person is more involved in smuggling than others. We're living in a country where there is no respect for any normal value."

Uganda Pres.Museveni, whose country's revenues from gold have risen tenfold since Ugandan troops moved into Congo in 1997, has estimated he can keep 20 000 soldiers in the field for just $3 million a month. President Joseph Kabila, whose army is thought to number about 70 000 men, was estimated to be spending $1million a day on his war effort, incl arms purchases, fuel and payments to Zimbabwe. Unlike the Ugandans & Rwandans Kabila is investing heavily in aircraft. A few million a month could go a long way towards financing the lightly armed Rwandan & Congolese forces, who live off the country in the regions that they occupy. Whether the money is in fact spent that way, or lines the pockets of a few in power, is another question. Rwanda's policy is clearly to create a buffer zone to cut off the "negative forces" from their homeland in the hope that they will wither away in a foreign country. Analysts believe Rwanda's exploitation of the Congo has been more systematic than Uganda's, and much of the proceeds may well be channelled into maintaining a buffer zone. In the final analysis, exploiting mineral resources and maintaining border security look like inseparable objectives for the ethnic minority regime in Kigali.

For 2 weeks, in Numbi area in Kalehe territory, 7 hours from Nyabibwe functional center south of Kivu, Rwandan APR soldiers brought 1500 Rwandan prisoners from Rwanda who were put in the mining pits to dig coltan. This time, Rwandan officers didn't disguise themselves any more nor hide any longer their true activity in Kivu: they brought the prisoners in pink uniform (breeches & blouse), typical of the Rwandan prisoners. They work thus equipped, as if they were in Rwanda. These prisoners are command to work to store, as soon as possible the greatest quantity of coltan. They are supervised day & night by soldiers of the APR, and receive $5 each in encouragement, premium day labourer's pay. Rwandan prisoners are brought to Congo to dig ores, in particular coltan, in the Punia, Walikale, Saramabila & Shabunda areas.
3 aspects of Kigali regime's plunder of Congolese resources:
  a) Illicit export of the raw materials of Congo; Rwandan soldiers are numerous around the mining pits, going from Walungu to Shabunda, passing by Mwenga, and in Maniema.

  b) Nonpayment of taxes to the administration in place; Rwandan operators do not pay any tax and are subjected to no regulation. Quantities exploited are unlogged anywhere and taken by road to Rwanda in helicopters or trucks.

  c) Prevention of any Congolese artisanal or organized exploitation of ores; only Rwandan extraction permitted.

Thus Congolese which obtained some income by digging ore are deprived livelihood. RCD/Goma, pledged to Rwanda, turns a person ear. Understandably, Kigali is busy since the last half of 2000, "producing" for Interahamwe and creating general insecurity in Bukavu & nearby villages. It needs to reinforce its alibi while forming militias to kill, violate, worry and plunder, facilitating its Congo exploitation. Bonds between "false or true Interahamwe " and APR officers continue to be very solid. Plundered goods (cows, computers, machines, solar panels, medical equipt) from Kamembe & Lake Kivu by these Interahamwe are accepted by the Rwandan officers in Rwanda.

KIGALI, Rwanda   Rwanda on Thursday strongly denied allegations that it was using prisoners as forced labor for mining activities in neighboring Congo. Interior Minister Jean de Dieu Ntiruhungwa said the charges were "completely untrue," adding that the govt never sent prisoners out of the central African country. He also said the govt had no mining interests abroad. Earlier, the Rome-based Roman Catholic missionary news agency MISNA reported that 1,500 Hutu prisoners wearing pink prison uniforms were being forced to work under armed guard in a coltan mine in South Kivu province in eastern Congo.
Coltan … sells at $23 a pound on the intl market … MISNA also said there were numerous concentration camps in the region that provided labor for other mines. "The report is completely untrue. Our prisoners are in jails inside Rwanda and not in the Congo," Ntiruhungwa said. "If at all Rwanda wanted to use prisoners for mining in another country, it wouldn't make sense to send them in prison uniforms." Ntiruhungwa added that it couldn't ship out prisoners clandestinely because numerous intl groups keep track of the number of inmates in its prisons in order to provide aid. … Congo holds more than half the world's copper reserves, the world's second-largest reserves of industrial diamonds and huge deposits of uranium. The country also has some of the richest coltan deposits in the world. Head of the Catholic news agency, Misna, Father Julio Albanese told the BBC that priests had seen 1,500 Rwandan prisoners working under armed guard at a columbite-tantalite mine in Numbi in the east of the country. He said the prisoners who were wearing the distinctive pink garb of the Rwandan prison system had been working at that mine since January. There have been reports of prisoners working at four other mines in a region under the control of Rwandan forces since late last year. However Rwandan officials said this was completely untrue. They said the crimes against humanity committed by Rwandan prisoners ruled out freeing them, and that all the prisoners were accounted for and believed to be still in jail. … Our correspondent in Kigali says that the Catholic Church in South Kivu is renowned for its opposition to Rwanda. Congo col-tan mining MUMBA, Congo   The hillside bears a gouge like a wound, and as the sun slides behind it, the miners put down their shovels and climb up the crumbling walls of their trenches by the hundreds. The fortunate ones clutch tiny plastic bags of black sand, a pound of which counts as a windfall. Twice a week a man called Pierre will come with his soldiers and pay as much as $10 for it. No one working in the mine is quite sure why. "We don't know the importance of col-tan," said Martin Nkibatereza, leaning on his shovel. "I mean, how is it useful?"
Col-tan, short for columbite-tantalite, an ore rich in the element tantalum, is nothing less than wonder mineral of the moment. In processed form, col-tan is vital to the manufacture of advanced mobile phones, jet engines, air bags, night vision goggles, fiber optics and, most of all, capacitors, the components that maintain an electric charge in a computer chip. Last Christmas, when shoppers fumed at the shortage of PlayStation 2 platforms on which to play make-believe war, the reason was a global shortage of the black sand that Nkibatereza leaves his hut at dawn to collect, provided the shooting from a real war has not forced him once again to spend the night hiding in the bushes.
Col-tan is an ingredient in that war as well. The two wars that have ravaged Congo for four of the last five years have been funded by minerals, a substantial portion of which are siphoned off for leaders of the armies fighting them. In Congo's eastern section, home to some of the richest col-tan ore deposits in the world, the mineral in recent months achieved a prominence commensurate with its value, which spiked spectacularly in the closing months of 2000. The first time the world price doubled, Congolese peasants who had been mining gold were instructed to forsake it for col-tan. When the price doubled again, and then again and again, to more than $200 a pound, the rebel group that controls the area declared a monopoly on exports. "I mean, we are at war," said Adolphe Onusumba, president of the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD), the rebel group sponsored by Rwanda, whose own war effort is also funded by col-tan. "We need to maintain the soldiers. We need to pay for services."
    UCN calls for a ban
    Coltan mining threatens World Heritage sites in DRCongo
    3.19.01   IUCN World Conservation Union
Gland, Switzerland   The World Conservation Union appeals to the international community to stop buying coltan (colombo tantalite) which is being mined in contravention of restrictions in protected areas in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). IUCN is particularly concerned about the damaging impacts of this mining on the natural values of two universally important World Heritage sites: Kahuzi-Biega National Park and Okapi Wildlife Reserve located in the eastern part of the DRC. It has been reported to IUCN that coltan mining is taking place in both World Heritage sites, which have been recognised by the UNESCO World Heritage Convention as being of 'Outstanding Universal Value'. It has been reported that over 10,000 miners have moved into the Parks and are largely relying on meat from wild animals (bushmeat) for food …
As much as any of Congo's fabled mineral riches, and, lately, far more than most, col-tan explains what all those armies are doing in Congo. Pursuit of any one commodity may not explain why six foreign countries, two rebel groups and assorted militias came here to fight. When the RCD rebels and their Rwandan backers started the current war in August 1998, Congo's wealth of gold, diamonds and copper was well known, but almost no one had heard of col-tan, then selling for less than $20 a pound. But with the price of a pound of col-tan sometimes exceeding $100, or $200,000 a ton, the unit by which it is exported by chartered cargo plane to Europe, the trade goes a considerable way toward explaining why the belligerents have been so reluctant to depart. "At least around here, people look for col-tan more than for the gold and the diamonds," said Bizima Karaha, the RCD interior minister. "Everybody was saying, 'Col-tan this, columbo-tantalite that. Tantalum!' Before I saw it, I expected to see something extremely wonderful. "It is just mud," Karaha said. "I was sincerely not impressed."

Even a U.N. panel of experts assigned by the Security Council to bring coherence to allegations of plunder in Congo was surprised to learn the outsize position col-tan has come to occupy in the war. On the Congolese govt side, granting of mineral concessions to military allies has been well documented: offshore oil wells to Angola, diamond and cobalt to Zimbabwe, a share of a diamond mine to Namibia. Among the rebels and foreign invaders who control the eastern half of Congo (and perhaps 20 percent of its resource wealth, according to the government minister for investments), the expropriation of diamonds, timber, coffee and gold is also taken for granted. Uganda, which supports the rebel group that occupies Congo's premier gold-mining region around Bunia, exported 10 times more gold ore after entering Congo than it did five years ago, according to official statistics.
But col-tan, once regarded as less desirable than the tin ore with which it usually is found, would outpace them all. "We raise more or less $200,000 per month from diamonds," said RCD leader Onusumba, whose army also controls the regional diamond trading center of Kisangani and charges diamond dealers 10 percent of the cash they carry into the territory. "Col-tan gives us more: a million dollars a month." The money pays the expenses of RCD's lightly trained rebel army of 40,000, Onusumba said, and supports the recruiting drive for additional troops, who will be expected to fill the gap as Rwandan forces pull back from front lines as part of a regional peace plan. That plan, rejuvenated since Joseph Kabila replaced his slain father, Laurent, as Congo's president in January, calls for U.N. peacekeepers to deploy, but merely as observers.

Rwanda has been the primary military force in Congo since starting the war, but how the tiny, impoverished country financed its campaign, especially the military air transports needed to maintain a 1,000-mile front line, has frustrated diplomats and World Bank officials examining an official defense budget barely large enough to feed its army. Informed that Rwandan Pres. Kagame had quietly told diplomats the RCD covered such costs, Onusumba nodded. "That is why I can't show you our bill," he said, referring to the bank statement the RCD finance minister had just placed in front of him. "There is cooperation, but Rwanda is not charging us the fees like Zimbabwe charges Kabila," Onusumba said. "It is a brotherhood. … If the Rwandans come and they get col- tan from Punia or Walikale, it's up to them." In Walikale, said to have the highest quality col-tan ore in N.Kivu province, farmers were even flown in from Rwanda to work in the mines, according to Eugene Ngayabaseka, N.Kivu's provincial governor, who complained of being deprived of export tax revenue from col-tan mined at the site.
The tax, which runs $10,000 a ton, is collected by SOMIGL, the company established in November to monopolize exports. To manage the firm, the RCD chose Aziza Kulsum. Kulsum is a legendary figure in Africa's Great Lakes region, where she is known as Madame Gulimali and is reputed to be the region's premier smuggler. But her past ties to Hutu militias in her native Burundi make her a puzzling ally for rebels backed by Rwanda's Tutsi- led government. "I have no relation with them now," Kulsum said of the Burundian Hutus, while drumming her fingertips on the edge of her desk and grinning toward the ceiling. "I did in the past."

Kulsum also denied her reputation for smuggling, but Onusumba said her notoriety was what attracted the RCD to her. "When the price went sky-high on this col-tan thing, we were trying to see a way of making money, clean, proper money," Onusumba said. "I know she was involved in smuggling, cigarettes, gold. She was approached. … Isn't it better to have her on your side, then she will help you? She knows every channel that things go out." At the time the monopoly was formed, the RCD estimated that territory under its control was producing between 100 and 200 tons of col-tan a month and that SOMIGL would collect at least $1 million a month. In the first month, it did. Official exports for December were 123 tons, and the RCD was able to pay civil servants and teachers, many of whom had not been paid in years.
But January exports fell to 96 tons. And February plummeted to 17 tons. "The price came down on the international market," Kulsum explained. "And also, there was a lot of smuggling." Col-tan prices did fall steeply after the new year, to about $100 today. As for the smuggling, competing col-tan dealers say SOMIGL's artificially low asking prices gave them no choice but to take advantage of Congo's notoriously porous borders. Bukavu businessman Ramnik Kotecha said he ships up to 25 tons of Congolese col-tan a month, but from across the border in Rwanda. "The suppliers get it over there," Kotecha said. "Still, we are making $200,000 to $300,000 a month. … but not like we were making it here [before the RCD imposed its monopoly]. Here, we were making $700,000 to $800,000 a month," with profits above 50 cents on the dollar.

Even at half the peak price, the economics of col-tan remain lucrative. With shovels they buy themselves, the miners work eight-hour shifts in mines that belong to no one and can be wildly hazardous. Last weekend, a collapsing hillside buried at least 50 workers at a mine 30 miles northwest of Goma. The mine that Pierre Hitiman visits twice a week lies in the mountains above Lake Kivu. He drives part of the way in his Toyota pickup, with four soldiers, since being hijacked six months ago and losing an entire ton of col-tan, and walks the last hour, along footpaths that hug hills so steep the potato and corn fields seem almost vertical. The ore the miners carry in sacks on their heads to the car is "good," said Hitiman's employer, a Congolese who declined to give his name. The spectrometer at his Goma warehouse finds 25 percent tantalum in the samples, which are ground, washed and poured into 55-gallon drums for export.
Where they go next, businessmen have grown wary of saying. Through the rebel-sanctioned SOMIGL monopoly or through smuggling channels, the col-tan makes its way to Kigali, Rwanda's capital.


    Rebels withdraw coltan export monopoly
    4.5.01   AFP
GOMA, DRCongo   Rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have withdrawn a monopoly on exports of coltan … granted to a sole mining firm. An official in the Rwandan-backed Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), who asked not to be named, said that the Great Lakes Mining Company (SOMIGL) had seen the monopoly withdrawn a week ago. … SOMIGL was set up in November last year by the RCD in conjunction with three private firms. It undertook to pay the rebel movement a million dollars a month for the monopoly and to purchase up to 100 tons of coltan from local traders each month. However, it had only bought & exported 27 tons of coltan 2 months ago and 19 tons last month, the official said. The rebel source did not say whether ending the monopoly would mean a liberalisation of exports. …

SOMIGL is a DRCongo company with shareholders from AFRICOM, PROMECO and COGECOM, respectively run by a US national, a Rwandan and a S.African, These three firms are established under local legislation. 2 weeks ago in Goma, RCD Sec.Gen Azarias Ruberwa warned measures would be taken against tax fraud & illicit trading in minerals. A source close to the coltan trade on Wed. told AFP that SOMIGL had failed brief because of a high rate of illicit traffic in the prized mineral. … RCD's "energy minister", Nestor Kiyimbi, has said that SOMIGL was set up to "improve the organisation of the coltan trade and increase public sector income by putting an end to the fraud that has been been undercutting state revenue."

    bigger than Barry Seal; she's BCCI gigantic
    RCD undertakes allocation of strategic economic-financial sector
    1.23.01   Dah Dadein Le Soft   [auto-transl.]
… The reality is quite different: the 19 counters exported more than 120 tons; that is 80 tons evacuated in fraud. Planes even went directly abroad from the places of production: Punia, Walikale, Kindu, Kalima, etc.

A well known businesswoman of indo-Pakistani origin in the subregion of Bukavu, Dar-Es-Salaam and Bujumbura, Mrs. Gulamali Aziza Kulsum, put the RCD administration in the pink by denouncing the counters' fraud and collecting some of the dividends in the process; one of her firms, Cogecom, was entrusted by the RCD to head the super counter, SOMIGL, created with two other partners, Africom & Premeco represented respectively by B. Banza & E. Kabanda. Interdepartmental decree # 043/RCD/CE/DFBP, DTME&DEPIC/2000, signed 11.20.00 by 3 dept heads, Jean-Marie Emungu Ehumba of Finances, Budget & Portfolio, Nestor Kiyimbi Mutangi of Grounds, Mines & Energy and Gaston Rutong Sandam Muyey of Economy, Plan, Industry & Trade, explicitly said export of colombo-tantalite on all Territory under RCD control reverts exclusively to SOMIGL.


From there, the Belgian airline Sabena flies twice a week to Europe, where a pool of buyers sets prices in London. Roughly half ends up being turned to powder by
H.C. Starck, a subsidiary of Germany's Bayer Corp. "It is capitalism in its purest form," said Robert L. Raun, president of Eagles Wings Resources, an Ohio company that began buying Congolese col-tan two years ago. "Let me put it in a positive way," Raun said of the experience. "A good civics lesson on how you pay for governance, and the elements of governance, would be useful in the region." Back in Mumba, the miners leave for home well before dark. The ethnic Hutu militias that Rwanda was trying to eliminate when it first invaded Congo in 1996 continue to hold sway in the hills. "We could be rich, but there is still the problem of insecurity," said Alex Kabongo, who, like most of the miners in Mumba, turned to digging only after the Hutu militias stole his cattle. He pointed toward the darkening hills. "They are coming in the night," he said.
    U.N. Opens Vital Congo River
    5.21.01   AP
KINSHASA   U.N. Security Council has formally declared the Congo River open to commercial traffic after 2 1/2 years of war. Traffic will resume after June 8, when armed U.N. forces begin patrolling Central Africa's single most vital route for trade & aid, U.N. said Monday. But the symbolic reclaiming of the 2,720-mile waterway for peacetime traffic marked a big step toward resuming food & other needed shipments to the vast African nation. Already, two U.N. barges, one carrying fuel, the other three military observers, were headed up the river, trying to be the first to cross the front line via the waterway since the 1998 start of the war. "The moment has come for peace. And with the time of peace must come an economic rebirth,'' Security Council Ambassador Jean-David Levitte said Sunday night at the embattled, govt-held river port of Mbandaka. Roughly 200 Uruguayan marines plan to begin armed patrols June 8, with authority to shoot back if attacked. … Armed checkpoints, fighting and piracy by troops of government and rebel alliances alike chased terrified civilians off the water from the start of the conflict.

In March, warring parties in control of different stretches of the river agreed to allow traffic, provided that boats bear the U.N. flag. On Monday, porters & traders whose livelihoods depend upon the river still were worried, fearful of combatants out in force along the river. "They're capable of anything,'' said Mpure Nkoy, 24, carrying bundles at the river port in Kinshasa, Congo's capital. The U.N. Security Council delegation, making a rare trip abroad, is pressing for an end to Congo's war, incl the withdrawal of foreign troops. U.S., Britain, China and 9 other Security Council nations are taking part. Fighting has carved mineral-rich Congo into military fiefdoms and killed an estimated 2.5 million people, mostly civilians. The Congo River, crisscrossing the equator, always has been the life route for the country. 10 miles wide at spots, the river is Africa's second-largest after the Nile, and the world's second only to the Amazon in the volume of water it carries.

With 1 million square miles in territory, Congo has only a few thousand miles of roads, and those are almost uniformly bad. Reopening of the Congo River to normal trade, as well as resumption of traffic on the limited rail system, is almost all that's needed to help 13 million of those Congolese in need, said Michel Nourredime Kassa, a head of U.N. humanitarian efforts in Congo. "This country is affected by a very severe crisis, but we should never forget that it has the means the manage the problem,'' Kassa said. Needs of another 2 million to 3 million people in the rebel-held east are more dire, and require urgent relief, he said. Emaciated, dying people reaching hospitals in the east and across front-lines speak of massive hunger there.

2 U.N. barges, making a test run on the river, are headed to Kisangani. If that works, Kassa hopes to bring barges back down the river, proving to farmers up the river that markets downstream are open again. With the Congo River closed by war, farmers in Congo's most fertile regions have been planting only enough to feed themselves, sometimes burning surplus. In cut-off cities, meanwhile, countless Congolese are getting by on only one meal a day or every other day. In Kinshasa, the capital, aid organizations estimate the city's 8 million people are getting only half the food they need. "With the stopping of traffic on the river, the country is all but paralyzed,'' said Celinne Ekanga, a businesswoman when river business was thriving, now a waitress. British Security Council Amb. Jeremy Greenstock urged patience, however, warning on Monday that it would be weeks before boats & barges could travel as normal. The situation will not improve "from one day to the next,'' Greenstock said.


4.12.01   Illegal exploitation of natural resources report   refrain   Uganda response Report names culprits in Africa's dirty war
4.18.21   ENS NYC   … "Key individual actors including top army commanders & businessmen on the one hand, and govt structures on the other, have been the engines of this systematic & systemic exploitation," said the report. The private sector plays a "vital" role in the exploitation of resources and the continuation of the war, said panel chairwoman Safiatou Ba-N'Daw, who added that several companies have fueled the conflict directly by trading arms for natural resources. "We were very surprised by what we learned, not only the scale of the exploitation, but the speed in which it is taking place," said Ba-N'Daw, at Monday's press conference at UN Headquarters in New York. … The panel was established in June 2000 by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan at the request of the UN Security Council.
… "Top military commanders from various countries needed and continue to need this conflict for its lucrative nature and for temporarily solving some internal problems in those countries as well as allowing access to wealth," the report states. The report said the consequences of illegal exploitation had been twofold. First, it cited the "massive availability of financial resources for the Rwandan Patriotic Army, and the individual enrichment of top Ugandan military commanders and civilians." Second, had been "the emergence of illegal networks headed either by top military officers or businessmen. "These two elements form the basis of the link between the exploitation of natural resources and the continuation of the conflict." Even if foreign armies retreat from the DRC, conflict is likely to continue because military commanders have created or protected criminal networks to plunder the country's wealth, said the report.

Illegal logging is adding to wildlife woes in the DRC, formerly known as Zaire. DRC is blessed with significant quantities of coltan, diamonds, copper, cobalt and gold, as well as timber, coffee and ivory. The country, which is about one quarter the size of the United States, supports several rare & endangered species such as the bonobo , eastern lowland gorilla, mountain gorilla, chimpanzee, white rhino, okapi, and Congo peacock. Yet these blessings appear only to have cursed the majority of the DRC's 52 million people, particularly since 1994. In that year, ethnic fighting between Hutus & Tutsis in neighboring Rwanda and Burundi sparked a massive inflow of refugees to the country, then known as Zaire. This led to widespread fighting within the DRC, drawing no fewer than five other countries, Uganda, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia, into the conflict. Some 875,000 refugees returned to Rwanda in late 1996 & early 1997, but another 173,000 Rwandan refugees are thought to have been killed by DRC forces.

Despite a 1999 peace accord, skirmishes continue as 50,000 foreign troops, mostly from Uganda & Rwanda, remain in parts of the DRC under the guise of "security reasons."
So widespread is the continuing exploitation of DRC's mineral resources, Ba-N'Daw said the panel could not put a dollar figure on the amount already lost. She said "massive and illegal exploitation of the country's wealth had occurred in two phases since 1998." First phase was one of mass scale looting of minerals, wood, livestock and money by armed forces & nationals of Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda. "The second phase consisted of systematic & systemic exploitation, relying on structures developed during the conquest of power by the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire [AFDL]," said Ba-N'Daw.

The Alliance of Democratic Forces was the guerrilla movement led by Laurent Kabila, who overthrew dictator Mobutu Sese Seko in May 1997. "Proceeds of that illegal activity went to the foreign armies & other forces within the country," said Ba-N'Daw. "Plundering, looting, racketeering and the emergence of criminal cartels in occupied

territories now represent a serious security problem in the region." … while researching the report. Witnesses threatened & harassed, said Ba-N'Daw. While data was relatively abundant in Uganda & Rwanda, as well as for certain rebel groups, the same was not true for Zimbabwe, Angola or Namibia, she added. … transport networks & financial institutions accommodate exchange of mineral resources for arms, and cash for arms. "At the heart of the financial setting is the Banque de commerce, du développement et d'industrie (BCDI) located in Kigali [Rwanda]," explains the report.
"According to some sources, there was an understanding between the Rwanda Pres. Kagame, Ugandan Pres. Museveni and the late Laurent Kabila on the collection & use of financial resources during the time of the AFDL rebellion." The report uses an example to illustrate the links between BCDI, Citibank in New York, the diamond business and armed rebellion. "In a letter signed by J.P. Moritz, general manager of Société minière de Bakwanga (MIBA), a diamond company, and Ngandu Kamenda, the general manager of MIBA ordered a payment of US$3.5 million to la Générale de commerce d'import/export du Congo (COMIEX), a company owned by late President Kabila & some of his close allies, such as Minister Victor Mpoyo, from an account in BCDI through a Citibank account. "This amount of money was paid as a contribution from MIBA to the AFDL war effort."

Asked about the relationship between BCDI & Citibank in New York, Ba-N'Daw said that Citibank had been the correspondent bank of BCDI, but did not finance the diamond trade. "Illegal activities also benefited from the old transportation network that existed prior to the 1998 war," continued the report. "This network consists of key airlines and trucking companies, a number of which aided AFDL troops in their war against the Mobutu regime. "The pattern of transport remains similar today: merchandise or arms are flown in and natural resources or their products are flown out. "For example, Aziza Kulsum Gulamali, a businesswoman operating within the region for some time, utilized this network even in the 1980s. She contracted Air Cargo Zaire to transport arms to the Hutu rebels in Burundi and smuggled cigarettes on the return flight. "Since 1998, aircraft also fly from the military airports at Entebbe [Uganda] & Kigali [Rwanda], transporting arms, military equipment, soldiers and, for some companies, merchandise.
"On the return flights, they will carry coffee, gold, diamond traders and business representatives and, in some cases, soldiers." The report details the various methods used to extract minerals from the DRC prior to selling the materials abroad. "In the mining sector, SOMINKI (Société minière et industrielle du Kivu) had seven years' worth of columbo-tantalite (coltan) in stock in various areas," said the report. "From late November 1998, Rwandan forces and their RCD allies organized its removal and transport to Kigali [Rwanda]." (RCD stands for Rassemblement congolais pour la démocratie - Rally for Congolese Democracy.) "Depending on the sources, 2,000 to 3,000 tons of cassiterite and 1,000 to 1,500 tons of coltan were removed from the region Nov. 1998 to April 1999. … Rwandans took about a month to fly this coltan to Kigali.

"The Panel, however, received official documents including one in which RCD acknowledged removing six tons of coltan and 200 tons of cassiterite from SOMINKI for a total of US$722,482." The report goes on to detail a well organized campaign by Rwandan soldiers to poach elephants for ivory inside the DRC's national parks, many of them UNESCO listed World Heritage sites. "Numerous accounts and statistics from regional conservation organizations show that, in the area controlled by the Ugandan troops & Sudanese rebels, nearly 4000 of 12,000 elephants were killed in the Garamba Park in northeastern DRC 1995 to 1999. "The situation in other parks & reserves is equally grave, including Kahuzi-Biega Park, the Okapi Reserve and Virunga Park. Okapis, gorillas and elephants has dwindled to small populations. "In the Kahuzi-Biega Park, a zone controlled by the Rwandans and RCD and rich in coltan, only two out of 350 elephant families remained in 2000. There is serious concern among conservationists that the rest fled of their own accord or were killed, as two tons of elephant tusks were traced in the Bukavu area late in 2000."
Under the heading "Facilitators or passive accomplices?" the report names companies and individuals who while not part of the conflict, have helped the exploitation of DRC's resources. "Sabena Cargo as well as SDV of the Bollore group have been among the key companies in this chain of exploitation and continuation of war," said the report. "Thousands of tons of coltan from the DRC were carried from Kigali or through the port of Dar es Salaam [Tanzania]. "U.S. honorary consul in Bukavu [DRC], as he presented himself, Ramnik O. Kotecha, in addition to promoting deals between American companies & coltan dealers in the region, is himself Chairman of the Kotecha group of companies based in Bukavu and deals in coltan." Increased revenues of Rwandan army from coltan sales was made easy by, "passive role some private companies such as Sabena and SDV for the transport of coltan, Citibank for the financial transaction as corresponding bank of BCDI, the self-proclaimed U.S. honorary consul in Bukavu and some staff in various embassies in Kigali." Report also cites "the rush to profit" of foreign companies ready to do business regardless of "elements of unlawfulness and irregularities."

SDV is subsidiary of the French based Bollore group, one of Europe's top 200 companies with 27,000 employees worldwide. Sabena is the national airline of Belgium, the former colonial power in DRC when it was known as Belgian Congo, till independence in 1960. The World Bank comes in for heavy criticism by the panel's report. The Bank has praised Uganda's economic performance and reform program as a model for its new debt relief program, the Highly Indebted Poor Countries initiative. "The Panel has however indications that this economic performance was driven in part, especially over the past three years, by the exploitation of the resources of the DRC," said the report. "Notes exchanged between World Bank staff clearly show that the Bank was informed about a significant increase in gold & diamond exports from a country that produces very little of these minerals, or exports quantities of gold that it could not produce."
"In the case of Uganda and its exploitation of the natural resources of the DRC, the World Bank never questioned the increasing exports of resources and in one instance a staff member even defended it. "During the Panel's visit to Uganda, the representative of the Bank dismissed any involvement of Uganda in the exploitation of those resources. The Bank not only encouraged Uganda & Rwanda indirectly by defending their case, but equally gave the impression of rewarding them by proposing these countries for the Highly Indebted Poor Countries debt relief initiative." Sample of 34 companies importing minerals from the DRC via Rwanda are largely coltan importers based in Belgium, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Canada, Russia and India. Coltan (colombo tantalite) is a precious hardening agent for metal used by high tech companies producing modern electronic products.
[ Xmas 2000 Sony Playstation 2 videogame shortage ]

Ba-N'Daw … said the panel wants UN Security Council to declare temporary embargo on import/export of coltan, pyrochlore, cassiterite, timber, gold and diamonds from & to Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi until their involvement … cleared. The panel wants an immediate embargo on weapons & military material to rebel groups, extending that embargo to the countries that supported those groups. Also recommended that Security Council ask World Bank & IMF to suspend support to Rwanda & Uganda budgets until end of conflict. … In 1997, UN SecGen K.Annan sent team to investigate war crimes committed by all parties during the first Congo war. It concluded that crimes against humanity & perhaps genocide had occurred during the 1996 conflict. That did not prevent resumption of fighting in 1998, … "Aug. 2000, Uganda airlifted 163 children from DRCongo to Kampala, Uganda, for military training," said Alison Des Forges, sr adv. Africa Div. HRts Watch.

Kampala, Uganda   A UN team began a week-long visit to Uganda on Tuesday to investigate whether the illegal exploitation of natural resources from DRCongo is fuelling that country's two year civil war. The five member panel of experts, which was sent to the region at the request of the United Nations Security Council, is expected to hold talks with President Yoweri Museveni and government ministers, said Ronald Kayanja, a UN official based in Kampala. … Uganda & Rwanda back rebel groups fighting to oust Congo President Laurent Kabila, while Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola back the govt. Despite a year-old peace agreement signed by all sides in the war, fighting has recently intensified. Kabila has refused to authorise the deployment of 5 537-strong UN mission that is supposed to strengthen the fragile ceasefire and oversee the withdrawal of foreign forces from Congo. Although the DRC is virutally devoid of economic infrastructure, warring sides in the central African country have been attracted by its huge quantities of natural resources, including uranium, gold, diamonds and other precious minerals. … The UN panel is expected to visit Rwanda after it has finished in Uganda. KINSHASA   U.N. troops arrived in a strategic city in the DRCongo Friday after rebels lifted their objections, a U.N. spokesman said. Rally for Congolese Democracy rebels Thursday lifted their objection to the deployment of the Moroccan troops to northeastern Kisangani. They had earlier demanded U.N. condemnation of alleged government cease-fire violations. U.N. officials had warned that the rebel block, which prevented the Moroccans from deploying Sunday, could threaten a peace plan to end the war that started in 1998. "They (the Moroccans) were received by the force commander and representatives of the RCD. They received a warm welcome,'' Juan Pekmez, MONUC spokesman, told Reuters. The deployment of armed U.N. troops to protect observers is part of efforts to end the civil war in the vast Central African country, which has dragged in several foreign armies.

2.12.01   6th MONUC report

Harare   LAURENT Kabila's gleaming white presidential jet stood parked at Harare Airport in Zimbabwe last night, proof that in his last moments the Democratic Republic of Congo's leader had flown towards the safety offered by his closest ally. The Boeing 707 was next to the Manyame military terminal, surrounded by the Zimbabwean air force aircraft that had kept him in power. From the moment that war began in August 1998, Zimbabwean military muscle was crucial in repelling the Congolese rebellion. During the climactic days when the rebel alliance attacked Kinshasa and seemed on the brink of success, Zimbabwean special forces landed on the roof of the presidential palace and spirited Mr Kabila to safety while others cleared the capital of insurgents. President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe joined Angola and Namibia in sending thousands of troops to rescue Mr Kabila. Mr Mugabe sent more soldiers than anyone else and by July 1999, 11,000 Zimbabweans were fighting in Congo. He had become de facto leader of the "allied forces" backing Mr Kabila.
Although economists believe that the war costs Zimbabwe around £700,000 a day, Mr Mugabe publicly referred to Mr Kabila as "my brother". His support never wavered and he called Uganda and Rwanda, supporters of the rebels, "aggressors & thieves". Zimbabwean ministers were quick to rule out a withdrawal from Congo in the wake of Mr Kabila's killing. Moven Mahachi, Defence Minister, said: "Zimbabwe will continue to help the people of the Congo even more so under these circumstances. We won't abandon them at this critical hour." Mr Kabila also received backing from Angola, which has the most powerful army in central Africa. President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos joined the coalition backing Mr Kabila to eliminate Unita rebels based in remote areas of western Congo. Angola sent at least 5,000 troops to Kinshasa and to ensure that Unita's supply lines were closed, but as the civil war flared again in 1999, it withdrew most to cope with rebel attacks at home.

By last year fewer than 2,000 Angolan troops remained in Congo and their alliance with Mr Kabila was increasingly strained. In the last few months, Mr Kabila's real allies were Namibia, which has 2,000 troops in the Congo, and Zimbabwe. Namibia said yesterday: "The Namibian government is closely monitoring the situation … our troops remain in their defensive positions." Zimbabwe's motive has been the same as that of all those who have intervened in the vast, mineral-rich country, the dream of plundering its wealth. In return for keeping Mr Kabila in power, Zimbabwe sought endless commercial concessions. Mr Kabila rewarded his chief rescuer with most of the diamond mines around the town of Mbuji-Mayi. The Zimbabwean army set up a company called Osleg to exploit them and formed an alliance with Oryx, a diamond company refused a listing on the London Stock Exchange last year. Senior officers scrambled for a share. Lt-Gen Vitalis Zvinavashe, commander of the Zimbabwean Defence Force, became a director of Osleg, alongside Job Whabira, then permanent secretary at the Defence Ministry.
Gecamines, Congo's bankrupt state mining company, was briefly placed under Billy Rautenbach, a Zimbabwean linked to Mr Mugabe's government. Emmerson Mnangagwa, now Speaker of Parliament, became the chief deal broker, charged with turning the Congo war into a money-maker. As Zimbabwe's economic crisis deepened, Mr Mugabe tried to use his favoured position in the Congo to rescue his domestic position. He avoided black-outs in Harare by importing electricity from the Inga dam, near Kinshasa, paid for in the nearly worthless Zimbabwe dollar. With so many senior figures benefiting from the war it is almost impossible for Mr Mugabe to withdraw. Indeed, his pride would not allow him to do so, regardless of the vested interests.

Harare   DRCongo govt recently assured Zimbabwean investors in the Kasai province that their businesses were safe and that there would be no riots against Zimbabwean companies in the region. A recent issue of the pro-govt French- language newspaper l'Avenir said outgoing DRC Justice & Parliamentary Affairs Minister Mwenze Kongolo had given an assurance that the Senga Senga population near Mbuji-Mayi would not rise against Zimbabwe's exploitation of diamonds in the Kasai Province. Zimbabwe is involved in a joint venture company with the Congolese government to mine diamonds in the mineral- rich province. Apart from diamond mining, there are also Zimbabweans in the retail business in the region. Kongolo said the mining initiative was meant to develop the South- South co-operation agreement signed between the two countries in December. Sources in the DRC said the politically-charged atmosphere in the Senga Senga area had threatened the exploitation of the diamond reserves by Sengamines in which Zimbabwe was a partner.
Last month the governor of Kasai Oriental province, where the Sengamines deposits were located, Paul Kabongo Misasa, was fired on allegations that he was inciting the Kasaians against Zimbabwe's involvement in the mining of diamonds in the province. Sources in the DRC said Kabongo Misasa had quarelled with Senga-mines boss Jean- Charles Okoto Lolakombe, a former foreign affairs minister, with the latter accusing the governor of habouring anti-Zimbabwe sentiments. Despite the assurances, analysts said, the tension could remain as the Kasai people had repeatedly complained they had not been benefiting from the exploitation of resources in their region. Last year, Kasaians alleged that Zimbabwean troops in the province were put on full alert to deal with any protest against foreign involvement in the diamond mining sector.
There was also the question of the location of the Sengamines headquarters in Kinshasa, which the people of Mbuji-Mayi said was unfair as this entailed the translocation of riches to the capital. Analysts said there was now a real danger that Zimbabwe would become embroiled in the ethnic politics of the DRC. "Beyond the current conflict, the main question deriving from this situation is whether Zimbabwe can sustain diamond operations in such a politically charged environment," said Mukeba Lufuluabo, a Congolese analyst based in the U.S. … former KGB officer, Victor Anatoliyevich Bout, undermining sanctions by trading arms for diamonds to rebel forces in Africa. Bout, a Russian arms dealer who uses at least 5 passports & some 7 aliases, has been identified as the businessman responsible for fueling civil wars across Africa incl Sierra Leone, Angola and DRCongo. He is charged with transporting heavy weapons, automatic rifles and ammunition from Eastern Europe to rebel groups that control diamond mines. The UN report alleges that Bout sent 38 flights carrying heavy military equipment to the Angolan rebel movement, Unita. A separate UN report claims that Bout's fleet of ex-Soviet planes registered as Air Cess, had been used to deliver attack helicopters, armored vehicles and anti-tank mines to Liberia, which supports the RUF rebels in neighboring Sierra Leone. The report, which is unusual to focus on one man, lists Bout's address & phone#, his DOB, his wife's name and a breakdown of his gunrunning & air freight contacts around the world. The outcome of the on-going public debate in NewYork about the accusations by a UN panel of experts that Uganda was among the countries that were plundering the natural resources of the DR Congo could affect European Union (EU) aid to Uganda. Amb. Bernard Ryelandt, Head of Delegation, European Union, told The Monitor in an interview yesterday that the EU had been watching the events in the DR Congo carefully and would soon meet to make a decision on moves to take should the allegations be proved true. He said negative results may create problems for Uganda, and that after the final report, there will be global judgment and discussions by the EU countries to decide on what position to take against, or for the report. The UN, April 16 released a report accusing Uganda & Rwanda of exploiting minerals and timber from the DR Congo, and cited top govt officials of involvement in the same. Both countries have however, vehemently denied and dismissed as biased, the findings of the panel of experts published last month. He said however, because Ugandan economy is well managed, and has managed to attract a lot of supporters from the donors, there will be a balance between economic & political considerations, the looting, and the willingness of Uganda to be a part of the Congo peace process.
Ryelandt said although UN Security Council has not yet taken any final decision, much of what is contained in the report is common knowledge and that the EU countries would later; also meet to discuss the report. There are quite a few elements in that report which confirm what I would say everybody knew already before. That Rwanda is organising at state level the exploitation of resources in the DR Congo, and as far as Uganda is concerned, its more individual activities by very top ranking military persons and other big personalities in Uganda, with the obvious knowledge of the Ugandan authorities. So if that is true, Uganda is trapped, Ryelandt said. He asked the Uganda government to carry out proper investigations into the allegations and condemn any acts of the same. 2.15.00   Peacekeeping in DRCongo HIRC Africa subcomm HR Watch Congo campaign
Suliman Ali Baldo, HRW sr reseacher, Africa Division w/
  Salih Booker, senior fellow and director for African Studies, Council on Foreign Relations
  Ambassador David J. Scheffer, ambassador-at-large, War Crimes Issues
  Leonard Robinson, executive director, National Summit on Africa

Amnesty Intl
U.S. Committee for Refugees
The International Rescue Committee
Mortality Study, E. DRCongo

Anch'io a Bukavu Congo Defense Fund (CDF) (French)
IFES

Kasese   Ugandan army yesterday said it killed 3 of Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) chief commander Abdallah Yusuf Kabanda's bodyguards. "We hit Kabanda's guards in eastern DR Congo areas of Buhira, Kiribata and captured Abdula Nasser, Kabanda's brother-in-law," said acting UPDF 2nd Div. commander Lt.Col. Tumusiime Nyakaitana, based in Mbarara. "Nasser was brother of ADF's financial controller, Falcon Kyeyune". Kyeyune's father is Ugandan of Yemeni origin and his mother hails from Pallisa district. "We also seized a generator and a satellite communications battery from Nasser," Nyakaitana said. Army Chief of Staff Brig. Jas. Kazini yesterday confirmed the offensive. Bodyguards' deaths makes 10 commanders killed since last month. Recently the army killed Kabanda's chief guide, Wilson Kireru, a.k.a. Kilama and his chief of intelligence, Muloberyo Mukyeza Watoto. Those captured are more than eight incl ADF chief director of records, Hajji Sadat Kinobe and senior armoury man, Moses Kakaire alias Hussein Vimbe, two women commanders, Hadijah Nalubega & Nambalirwa, from Kampala & Mpigi districts. … Kampala   … In televised address to Parliament last night, Museveni blasted UN experts panel for implicating Uganda in alleged mass scale looting of Congolese wealth. He said the panel "confused the sensible with the abnormal" and relied on malicious & false information it received from 'enemies' of the Govt in Kampala. He said the panelists were not experienced and were not informed. He said one member of the panel was formerly a policeman in NY while the panel chairperson, Safiatou Ba-N'Daw, was a minister in deposed govt of Cote d'Ivoire. Museveni further told Parliament that Uganda no longer has "reliable" allies in the region & in the Congo. He said he had initially recommended to Cabinet a complete pullout of UPDF troops and that Uganda withdraws from the Congo peace process. He said on the advice of AttyGeneral Bart Katureebe, Cabinet decided that Uganda stays in Lusaka peace process. He said he was informed that if Uganda withdrew from the Lusaka agreement, it would not be able to retain troops on the western slopes of Rwenzori inside Congo.

Museveni also said the UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, had written to him saying it would not be good for Uganda to withdraw from Lusaka agreement. … Museveni criticised UN for scaling down Observer mission from 5,537 people to mere 500 military observers and 2,460 support personnel. "These numbers will not be sufficient given the size of territory & tasks," … He attacked The New Vision for not highlighting the story about the 34 ex-ADF rebels who surrendered to UPDF in eastern Congo early this month. "We killed all the top commanders of ADF. We killed 80 rebels in Kitagwenda 12.26.00 incl Cobra Matovu," Museveni said. "Since we have crashed ADF, why should we be part of this confusion in Congo?" asked Museveni.
"Because they are corrupt, they think everybody is corrupt. Because they loot, they think everybody was looting. Patriotism is not in the vocabulary of these people," Museveni said. He said even 'friends' (donors) were subjecting Ugandan to questions about involvement in the Congo. "We patriots cannot get on with colonial-minded people. They think of exploitation, when I think of liberation," Museveni said.
Uganda said Wednesday it was preparing an official response to the report. Presidency Minister Ruhakana Rugunda stated the govt "will deal with individuals mentioned in the report, but based on concrete evidence", Ugandan radio reported. Also stressing that Uganda was in Congo for security reasons, he said Kampala had "nothing to hide". Senior presidential media adviser John Nagenda was quoted by the BBC as saying the report "comes out like gossip". "It does not read like a proper report, it reads like a slapdash report," he said. …

Rebel leader confirms what Western donors deny
1.22.01   Gunnar Willum
Aktuelt Denmark

KAMPALA   Uganda & Rwanda armies' extensive looting of Congo admitted by Uganda's Congolese ally, rebel leader Wamba Dia Wamba, in an interview with Aktuelt. 'In the case of Rwanda it is a state policy. In the case of Uganda it is individuals,' says Wamba Dia Wamba, leader of one of the 3 rebel groups supported by Uganda & Rwanda that control major parts of Congo in the war against govt in turn supported by Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia. …

Uganda resorts to extra-budgetary financing of its military by plundering gold- and diamondmines in neighboring Congo. The World Bank, however, claims that Uganda is living up to donor conditions of not spending more than 2 percent of the country's Gross Domestic Product on the military. Therefore Uganda has become the first country in the world to be nominated for debt relief amounting to 2 billion dollars. … World Bank & Western donors are so desperate to have success with a new debt relief program, the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative, that they prefer to tolerate Ugandan financing of its army through plunder in Congo rather than to present the real figures.
    Congo sues Uganda in international court
    10.5.99   AP
KAMPALA   Congo has sued Uganda in the Intl Court of Justice for invading & illegally occupying its territory, a Ugandan newspaper reported Tuesday. Uganda & Rwanda sent soldiers to neighboring Congo in August 1998 to join rebels fighting to topple President Laurent Kabila. A peace accord completed in August calls for the soldiers to withdraw by January. Uganda has been asked to appear in court, which is located in the Netherlands, on Oct. 19, the New Vision newspaper quoted Justice Minister Bart Katureebe as saying. It was not immediately clear why Rwanda was not named in the suit. In its lawsuit, Congo is accusing Uganda of violating the U.N. Charter, which bars ''the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State.'' Uganda says its troops are in the DRCongo to fight the rebel Allied Democratic Forces, which use Congolese territory to stage cross-border attacks. Rwanda says its soldiers are in Congo to fight former Rwandan government forces & militia responsible for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda of at least 500,000 minority Tutsi & moderate Hutus. Former soldiers & extremist Hutu militia fled to Congo when a Tutsi rebel force ended the genocide and took power. Kabila recruited them last year to help put down the rebellion against him.
    Uganda's Museveni seeks to renew image in last term
    5.11.01   Reut ers
KAMPALA, Uganda   Uganda's Pres. Yoweri Museveni will be sworn in Sat. for final, 5 year term that promises to make or break his reputation at home & internationally, political analysts say. As head of guerrilla army, Museveni fought his way to power in 1986, quickly shedding Marxist cloak to become free market champion and turning a "basket case" economy into one of Africa's star performers. But radical Museveni lived on in his support of rebellions in Sudan, Rwanda and DRCongo and his unwillingness to allow political party activity. "He is concerned about his legacy," Philip Apuuli of Makerere Univ. political science dept said. "No one is going to remember the last 15 years, the next 5 years are crucial...expect a more humble but frank Museveni, a total pullout from the Congo and greater concentration at home," he said. Signs of a more inward-looking Uganda surfaced this week when the cabinet decided to withdraw nearly all Ugandan troops from the Congo.
… Museveni's call at a supporters' meeting this week for more govt investment in farming, mining and education to spread fruits of economic growth a further sign of an increasingly domestic agenda. "My target in the next 5 years is economic growth but with transformation," Museveni said. For the last 9 years Uganda's economy has grown 6% annually but Museveni said this had not led to widespread transformation of the lives of ordinary people. Museveni won landslide victory in March elections with nearly 70% of vote. Criticism of his increasingly autocratic govt is rising, and the elections were marred by allegations of substantial vote rigging and intimidation by the president's supporters. Donors who bankrolled Uganda's economic success increasingly impatient with Museveni reluctance to open politics and with rising official graft.

Uganda ranked 11th most corrupt in 1999 survey of 90 countries by Transparency Intl. "There are a lot of plans but that is not good enough," the European Union's head of delegation in Uganda, Bernard Ryelandt, told Reuters recently. "There is a lack of political will to root out corruption especially high level corruption," he said. Attempts to ease restrictions on political parties banned since 1986 suffered setback after Museveni's refusal last month to assent to a bill allowing more regional party activity. "I hope the system can still evolve in the right direction, otherwise we shall lose trust in the political direction and therefore our involvement in Uganda," Ryelandt said. The West invested a lot in Museveni; foreign aid makes up nearly half the country's budget. … "Our future lies in the fact that donors have more leverage over Museveni than the internal opposition," Apuuli said. "If donors pull strings we'lll see more political advantages." Uganda's constitution bars Museveni from standing again in 2006, and the president says he will be ready to retire then, to tend his cows. Whatever faults, Museveni's legacy will probably be safe if he keeps that promise, and joins a small but growing group of African leaders who have left power peacefully.


    links  
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Ever since Henry Morton Stanley hacked his way through the Ituri forest in 1874, the Congo has been looted by foreigners and wrecked by despotic rulers. Stanley's sponsor was Leopold II, King of the Belgians, who turned Congo into his personal fiefdom. Using slave labour, his agents extracted vast quantities of rubber & ivory for their new master. The profits built palaces for Leopold in Brussels, while recalcitrant Congolese were beaten. The period of ruthless exploitation lasted until King Leopold was stripped of the Congo in 1908 and it became a Belgian colony. Repression continued; when independence finally came in 1960, Congo was already in chaos. Patrice Lumumba, its first elected leader, was murdered. Army chief Mobutu Sese Seko seized power in 1965. But he soon turned chaos into a method of govt. He emulated Leopold and plundered his newly named Zaire until the few roads were reclaimed by the jungle and the telephone & rail networks all but ceased to exist. By the time Mobutu was overthrown in 1997, renamed DRCongo had effectively ceased to function as a state in all but name. For a few weeks, Mr Kabila's takeover led to hopes that a corner had been turned but it soon became clear that his erratic rule was no better for the long-suffering Congolese.
Mbanza-Ngungu, DRC   The lucky few who made it out scrawled thankful words across their windshields in mud: "The end of the nightmare," wrote one. "Freedom, finally," wrote another. You'd think they'd survived a small war, and, in fact, a dozen or more people are said to have died. But no, it was just a traffic jam in the central African nation of Congo. Few aspects of life reflect the collapse of this country more starkly than the 270km stretch of shattered tarmac that runs from the capital, Kinshasa, to the Atlantic Ocean seaport at Matadi. Two decades ago, truck drivers made the journey in two hours. These days, it can take as long as one month. "This is simply not right," said truck driver Alexandre Mosaku, who has a wife and four children waiting for him at home while he waits to get through the jam. "Our country is great, rich and full of minerals," Mosaku said. "Why should we suffer like this?"

Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled the Congo for 32 years before Rwandan troops overthrew him in 1997, did little to develop the vast nation. His successor, Laurent Kabila, did even less. Kabila was assassinated on January 16 and succeeded by his son, Joseph. Today, most roads are little more than narrow dirt tracks hacked out of the bush or forest. Motor vehicles are still a rarity outside major cities. Since neighbouring Rwanda and Uganda invaded in support of rebels, the country has been split in two, with vital road, river and air links to the food-producing east cut off.
The govt is working on a "temporary solution" with the European Union to repair the road. But the EU says its priority is only to repair the first 100km of the road from the capital. The worst stretch is a 200m-long patch 150km southwest of Kinshasa, that rains have converted into a near impassable, metre-deep swamp.

… Congo was the site of the 20th Century's first genocide because this is where King Leopold turned Congo into his own personal fiefdom. 10,000,000 Congolese died. Ten Million. And it is simply never discussed. It is a non-event.

Jared   That was the subject of the book, "Heart of Darkness" by Conrad. It ends with one of the Belgian colonialists dying, and his last words are "The horror!" Ten million human beings.

DB   Imagine if the Congolese had done that to some Western country. And in 1908 when the colony was handed over to the Belgian colonialist administrators they didn't do much better. They still used the colony for resource-extraction. Cleaned up their human rights act a bit but still exploited Congo harshly. Other than the brief interlude from 1960 to 1961 when Patrice Lumumba's movement was running the show, the country was a colony. Then after 1961 it was run by Western clients who again used harsh repression to exploit Congo's vast mineral resources. And the story isn't much different now except that Kabila was in a position to once again put forward Lumumba's line. He was identified with that line among the Congolese population and amongst Western leaders which would explain why some hated him. And in the Western press and especially the Anglo-American press, it explains the fact that Namibia, Angola and Zimbabwe, all these states that had fought white apartheid regimes, all these revolutionary states that went to the support of Kabila have been demonized for supporting him whereas the story of Uganda and Rwanda [which invaded Congo] has been minimized when in fact the invading forces of Uganda and Rwanda have essentially plundered Eastern Congo.
Indeed this is how they have managed to develop in the last few years and meet their obligations under International Monetary Fund [IMF] and World Bank guidelines: by plundering Eastern Congo. Actually Entebbe [Uganda] and Kigali [Rwanda] are crawling with arms merchants and Western prospectors seeking to cash in on mineral resources which are being extracted from Congo. Meanwhile these two regimes - especially Uganda - are being held up as models of African neoliberal development - when in reality it is all based on the plunder of Eastern Congo. (2)

Jared   That pays their IMF tribute.

DB   Pretty much. And a great deal has been made of the fact that Zimbabwean companies, which support Kabila against the Rwanda-Uganda invasion, have been given rights to work the diamond mines. The point is the Zimbabwean companies were given those rights through the Congolese government. Mr. Kabila is after all an actual Head of State. Whereas the Ugandans and Rwandans and their American backers and American firms that are profiting immensely from the plunder of the region don't have any authorization to do that from Kinshasa, which is the capital of the Congo. It is a situation similar to Sierra Leone, where the Western media demonizes those whom they oppose for exploiting the mineral resources. But if the situation changes and the West comes in they will seize and exploit those resources ruthlessly. So the real question is who is going to possess them? That is the big issue in Eastern Congo.
In 1960, when Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba put forward his call for independent development in Congo, Belgium, backed by the United States, launched a separatist movement in Katanga Province. The separatist army was mainly white mercenaries. In response, Lumumba called on the UN to defend Congo's sovereignty. But when the UN did get involved, the Western troops tried to influence the situation on the ground. During the chaos that followed, Patrice Lumumba was assassinated by Mobutu, backed by Belgian and US secret services. So the whole history of Congo for the past 120 years has been so tragic. The Congolese people, except for brief periods, have faced either constant exploitation or war and when they have tried to forge an independent path they have faced the fiercest external aggression. …


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