The following is a transcript of ad hoc translation graciously volunteered by Steven A. Smith, African policy advisor, bon homme & vigoureux ! : 2 hours straight of uninterrupted & impassioned French to English at moments' notice.
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Text below is sometimes unattributed but represents what was heard, if not spoken, at the event. It is incomplete. Information provides knowledge & knowledge is power. Corrections can be sent to this email.


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Rev. Jean-Bosco Bahala:   The Bishops' conference in the U.S. gives an opportunity to witness in front of all our brothers and sisters and to show that hope is not lost. I would like to complete the message of Monsignor Masengo who spoke before me. The situation in which we live in the interior is not different from the one we live in at the border. That's a metropolitan bias of the old Kivu province. There is a human catastrophe running from August 2, 1998. The only difference that exists between us and perhaps the others is that we're right in the middle of the war with the armies that have invaded our country. They have and will put people on their knees and taken everything of value. We think particularly of the unfortunate and well known massacres that have taken place in Masuka, Kabola, Kuyongo. I won't continue regarding a situation that you know.
What's going on there now is that the armies that have come, in the combat between them, create a scorched earth policy. They burn villages and they kill everyone who speaks of peace, including priests and religious people. They try to blame other people. Many are taken hostages and we don't know what to say to the cries of misery and the weight placed on them. They accuse people of ethnic hatred which is why we must overcome these lies. We are aware more and more that it has nothing to do with the security or insecurity of adjacent countries, what they call the forest negatives and armies of aggression.

For two years there has been no killing between the two. It has only been the population that has been slaughtered. The war no longer kills the military; it only kills civilians. You can come verify this is taking place. Take, for example, the affair of Kisangani where both armies fired on the inhabitants. What that did to our hearts. What have we done, dear God, that people come here to fight among themselves? That's why, in thinking about the situation with all of the forces that are used in civil society, we have started an action that is very dep, an action of peace. I know, when I say this, lots of people don't believe me or it is because people say that they don't live with us there.
It is us who live next to the country that invaded us. They are our neighbors. It is God who placed them there as our neighbors. It is us who has the solution for living side by side. I hear language that is less and less extreme. For example, in talking about our friends from the South, the Tutsi from the South, what they call the Banyamulenge(sic), we encounter them and try to talk with them. They tried to make this an ethnic war when it is really a war of predation. What we want to explain is that the war taking place in the east of our country no longer has an ethnic character. Rwanda and Sudanese and all these ethnicities are confused.

It is the power who is with us that wants to keep the population without democracy. They want to keep power by force. Help us to bring democracy to our country and we won't need armies to maintain the peace. Problems of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi are problems of democracy. If we have democracy in Rwanda, there will be reconciliation there and we won't have need for armies. The army of Rwanda is half Hutu. We have blood ties.
We are aware the violence and the hate increases from the actions of the armies that are with us. It is because of violence that hate is rising. If we break the violence, the hate will end and we will live together. That is the message we are giving to our people.

The second message we give is don't confuse single individuals with their people. I want to give you an example of the classes we give. We know who are the young men who go into the militias who are not in agreement with the philosophy of violence. Dialogue and a language of peace go together. We are trying to educate people in nonviolence. We used this to bring back our bishop, Kataliko(sic), and it was a coming together of all the people working on peace. Unfortunately, he died but we were able to get him back.
~ break in recording.

So we need to have accountability so that people who kill are put in prison. Then people will be at peace. jest: To further our understanding of democracy, we would be delighted to send observers to this historic U.S. election and perhaps help resolve those problems from what we've learned from our own. We also want to see the tribulations we have reach the attention of the people of the U.S. For example, we ask people in the audience from Peace Corps help us make certain the American people understand we want peace.
end

following speakers undetermined:
  It is difficult to speak or even summarize after the two previous speakers but i'd like to provide 2 or three elements. First, if we don't cry out and if we don't bring people into the process of peace and reconciliation, then the trees and stones in our forests will cry out to do it. The people come out of the middle of a war when they leave the country. You must not cross your arms; you must do something. You must look to do something for those people who are there in the Congo. It hasn't been too long since a very large gathering in South Africa about AIDS. Our sector was by in large condemned. It was destined to kill a lot of people. That wasn't enough. The war came as well killing many more. What will it take to decimate that entire region of Africa. It hasn't been long since the time people resisted leaving their country and even hid themselves to stay in their country. That was during the period of colonialization.
Today, the desire is the opposite. It is necessary to leave, flee and leave the country but to whom? Because there is nothing but death, death, death, what is one to say? What I can state regarding Congo Brazzaville and the surrounding region is that there has been war from the side of Rwanda little by little. Little by little, it joins the war in Angola. Little by little, the war came to Brazzaville, coming to a dark point.

When analyzing this situation, you become aware no country has shelter simply because of what was previously spoken of, self proclaimed dictators. As said, the military no longer kills military, they kill populations. That is something that did not exist in the past. People lived side by side with each other. But now, hate is building and people are not welcome when from another ethnic group because the military has caused hatred.
How to put back the peace; how to find peace? This is the great work of the Peace & Justice Commission. A small exercise: Look at the person next to you. Embrace, please. How to reverse this movement? Look at whoever is next you and imagine them as someone different coming from the other of whatever side. Then embrace them to teach yourself to accept understand. For methods such as these, it is necessary for us to have schools, to prepare classes of politics.
We in the Congo have a priest for our first president. anecdotes of him
end

priest:   Force was used to take power without preparation. It is time for public issues to be directed by the people themselves. By people whose leaders are valuable. Are there questions for the panelists?

Q.   Welcome to our pastors and the Bishops from the Congo. What has been the success or lack of it with your mission? What contacts have proven useful? What contacts were available at the U.N.? What can we here in the U.S. contribute, particularly regarding diamonds?

A.   Our success is difficult to say because we are still in the midst of our campaign. We think our mission is one of information because we believe people aren't informed, especially the American people, regarding Africa and what is happening in the Congo. The news is abbreviated so we come to speak to organizations that can speak further. Our contacts with churches and Bishops to talk about the suffering and catastrophic situation in the Congo will hopefully yield a voice that will bring solutions and reach through distraction and ignorance.

Q.   Who is really running the Congo?

A.   We don't want to engage our government here because our country in fact is divided into an occupied part. Whether one side or the other, I don't see what they are doing for the people. With those same people, we look for work and for help for them. I don't know if I understand the question but we can say the people are there and they are not paid.

Rev. Bahala   I want to add we are not here to tell you what the politicians say. You can hear that in the media. We are here to tell you what the politicians don't say. Talk about the Congolese dialogue or lack of it, reports of Lusaka or revision of Lusaka Accords, these are the government passing time saying what they want and you hear it in the media. They are just fooling us and don't respect the accords they sign.

Q.   We talk about assistance we recieve and are happy to have. But we don't talk about assistance of the Congolese people themselves can send or find. Congolese should take certain responsibilities for the unhappiness in our country. Things are presented as if Congolese are impotent and can't do something for themselves. We don't need schools that will teach people how to run the country. We can go to any university in the world.

Q.   Humanitarian assistance cures symptoms. We must talk about causes. Do you have a plan parallel to Lusaka, which isn't working at all? All of the people are hoping for a Congolese dialogue. Can the Catholic Church organize one or assist with dialogue between the 4 parties? Can the Church unblock delivery of aid?

Rev. Bahala   People listen to us and politely ask what we need. I respond we need humanitarian assistance less than humanistic assistance. We have to take seriously that people have the right to exist. We don't have the right to kill an entire people. You also have to stop the cause of the wars. That's why we need democracy in the country.
In regard to the Church, in principle it is not the role of the church to direct the nation. As Bishops, we must take our responsibilities. For instance, at the time of the national conference the Church had its role in moving the country toward democracy. But there were issues that came up. In Benin and Mali, national conferences worked but in the Congo we had civil war. It is up to you here in the audience to take your responsibilites and demand it of others.

For example, is it necessary to first take out the aggressor armies and have U.N. peacekeepers come or the U.N. come first? We organized a national constitution which had some very good results, proving they were able to talk among themselves and weren't manipulated by anyone. Unfortunately, regardless of what we come up with, there has to be a political will to do things.
I am the director of a human rights association. I have a brochure, "Durable Peace in the DRC". I am part of a civil society company like the Church. In this brochure is an investigation of human rights violations in eastern Congo entitled "The people of the DRC say no." In Kontanu (sic), Benin they have met the Congolese civil society. All the civil societies there have arrived at this decision.
First, one must obtain the retreat of the armies that have invaded the country.
~ break in recording.

[ ed. For sake of comparison to determine outcomes, when & where in Western history did nations send large numbers of national troops to invasion to purposely reduce the internal conflict those troops would generate if stationed domestically ? ]

Q.   This is overwhelming. If we can have faith, even more can be done.

Q.   Peace has to come before other things. You have described the situation in Bukavu. There is no freedom of expression. When you say that, I fear for life. We see, for instance, what happened to Bishop Kataliko (sic) who worked for peace and died under circumstances we can't describe here.

A.   In our country, the hope for life is not very big. I have already lived all one can hope for. I am not kidding; I know the danger in which we live. The power says to people of goodwill "disciples are not bigger than their master". Ours went to the cross for what he did. Better to die for good cause than bad. To disappear is to be in the company of Romero and Gandhi.
This man did nothing but pursue peace. One could write a book about his works. They accused him of a thousand things. We in the Church are first to quiet people who try to create hatred towards others. We know people will die and even so live in hearts of others. We know what is essential is to continue to work. We have a symposium for peace in the Congo in Bukavu in February. Come there then. You living in America come to the Congo then and make those who use arms be quiet. Thank you.

Q.   Is the U.S. building a large military base in Rwanda.

A.   from audience Yes.

public health worker for World Bank in Rwanda & Burundi   In Rwanda there is a suspected American presence. There are logistical experts coming to give information or groups advancing (word unclear). It is not a secret for people in that country. I know too well that Rwanda and Burundi are countries that are excessively poor. They have no interest in attacking the great Congo. They are used by other powers who simply want to go farther. Something we must tell our brothers here and ask of our American friends is to get out this information that we are in the process of doing great harm to this country.
I spoke freely to my Belgian and French colleagues and all my American friends. Many Americans can't go out after dark because of the Americans who use the name of the U.S. to do bad things. I was unhappy when I went to see the Belgian embassy in Kigali (sic) that, unlike the unfortified Belgian, Swiss & French embassies, it is practically impossible to get into the American embassy. It is a bunker. These are people who have something to hide.

Q.   What is your reaction to what is happening in Rwanda?

A.   A conference held between bishops of Burundi, Rwanda and Congo stated they were against the war and advocated peace.

~ translation interrupted;   transcription ended.

Human rights violations by APR/RPA (Rwandan Army) in DRCongo left to right .   Father Kakudja killed by Rwandan Army at Kalonge, South Kivu 11/22/99 ..   Young seminarian Clude Amzati, killed in attack of Gr. Seminary of Murhesa in Bukavu, South Kivu 5/31/00 :.   also C. Amzati

Who are the Actors of the Repeated Attacks in the Hinterland near Bukavu ?

It has become clear that the many accounts published on the current attacks on health centers, parishes and other institutions in Bukavu and its environs are meeting resistance and even rejection, particularly in the USA. The arguments advanced for rejecting these accounts of the facts do not deny the existence of these attacks, but continue to deny the involvement of Rwandan elements acting under the command of Rwandan army soldiers. Allegations of their involvement in these attacks are dismissed as biased theories arising from sentiments of anger or hatred that the local population and churches harbor against the occupying RPA forces. At the origin of this reluctance to accept Rwandan involvement in the attacks, we believe, is a deep sense of guilt for the failure to intervene to stop the 1994 genocide.

Hence, the more complaints about these attacks (blamed thus far on the Interahamwe) spread, the stronger the opinion that Tutsis are victims and are still under the threat of genocide. Analogies are also being made between the fate of the Jews (the Holocaust, the difficult settlement of the State of Israel) and the fate of the Tutsis. Its also worthy to note the accusations against the Roosevelt administration and Pope Pius XII, accused of having done nothing although they were informed. The sole way forward is to undertake, as we are doing here, a precise analysis of relevant facts.

It should be noted that this paper only deals with the hinterland surrounding Bukavu. The situation in the southern parts of the province (Uvira, Fizi, Baraka) and in North-Kivu are slightly different. Bukavu was the capital of the former "Grand Kivu" province from 1926 to 1987. It hosts several public administration offices, and has a population of 400 000. It has few industries (breweries, cinchona refinery and before independence in 1960, aluminium-related minerals), but has a significant wholesale trade supplying the interior. There are also significant markets for the sale of gold and other minerals. There is a considerable trade in crafts. Bukavu hosts several educational institutions:
primary and secondary schools, colleges, and universities, with about 3500 students in the area in 1998. Among its inhabitants is a significant community of scientists and academic staff (including the staff of the research centers at Mulungu and Lwiro, created in 1934 and 1954, respectively). Many NGOs and associations have their headquarters in Bukavu. Bukavu also hosts a Catholic archdiocese, (previous Archbishops include Mgr. Munzihirwa, assassinated on October 29, 1996 by the AFDL, and Mgr. Kataliko, who himself did not originate from the Kivus - just released after 7 months in exile in his home diocese of Butembo from February 12, 2000 to September 14, 2000). There are also several denominations of the Protestant church in Bukavu.

From 1985 onwards, a firm resistance to the increasingly dictatorial regime of Mobutu developed in South-Kivu. At the beginning of the National Conference in Kinshasa in 1991, the South-Kivu civil society took the lead in preventing its deliberations from degenerating into a sterile convention for the MPR political party (Mobutu's party). This, critical and engaged socio-political culture that was rapidly developing in South-Kivu was not lost on Kabila, whose AFDL insurgency to against the Mobutu regime began in South-Kivu. Kabila was later however to issue threats to the population (on January 25, 1998) to institute a 24 hour curfew and to place the town under the tight grip of 100.000 soldiers).

It should be noted that under both the AFDL and RCD regimes, there have been frequent pressures on local chefs, incessant harassment of intellectuals (including clergymen from the different religious groups) and civil society leaders (men and women alike). Hinterland of Bukavu (for geographic locations, see map attached): Bukavu, the administrative headquarters of the South-Kivu province, is the border province between the Democratic Republic of Congo (RDC) and Rwanda. It is located to the south of lake Kivu, from which the Ruzizi river takes its source and serves as a conduit from lake Kivu to lake Tangayika that is further south. The hinterland takes the form of a semi-circle going from the shores of the lake Kivu or the Ruzizi river to the west on a range of about 70 km which constitutes the region referred to as the Bushi (region of the Bashi tribe). That semi circle is part of the mountainous Kivu region, that runs on the South-North axis of the Albertin Rift (Western branch of the African Graben). Many parts of this semi-circle have quite fertile land (as a result of lava flows that occurred in the distant past) and consequently, have a very high population density (approximately 250 inhabitants / square km, and in some areas even higher).

Unlike the Masisi and the Rutshuru regions in North-Kivu, no part of the Bukavu hinterland has ever had a significant concentration of persons of Rwandan origin. Except in urban areas, the habitat is spread in the numerous banana plantations. The high density of population explains the existence of numerous institutions: schools, health centers, hospitals, parishes, etc. The average distance between 2 hospitals is less than 25 km, which is quite exceptional in the DRC. This hinterland is somewhat fenced westwards by a semi circular part of the Mount Mitumba chains. Beyond the Mitumba starts the humid tropical forest that grows thicker toward the Congolese Valley.

C). The potential for looting:
0 This overpopulated hinterland has witnessed an economic decline. All the tea factories (6 in total) have closed down and their staff living quarters are empty, either since long ago, or since the 1998 war. The are few other industries: there is, for example, the Gombo- Walungu Mechanics cypress sawmill, a mechanic workshop at Butuza, etc. Therefore apart from the huts and small houses located here and there, the area only has a handful of structures: some scientific and academic institutions (eg, Natural Sciences Research Center at Lwiro- Katana, Agro-research Center at Mulungu, Major Seminary of philosophy and theology at Murhesa), and very few community structures that can be looted. These are mainly schools (where there is however hardly anything to take away), health centers, presbyteries and convents.

D.) Mai-mai (or Mayi Mayi):
This is a generic term used to designate Congolese groups, more or less armed and militarily organized, mainly made up of villagers living in hiding in the forest. When this phenomenon began in 1993 as anarchy began to develop, they were called "Batiri," from the name of a tribe living in the Walikale forest. Afterwards, they called themselves Katuku. These groups moved southwestward towards Bukavu, up to Bunyakiri, 90 km from Bukavu on the Bukavu- Kisangani Road. The furthest they reached is the great Kalonge valley, where they met strong resistance from the local population (about 20 of them were killed there at battle in December 1996). They attacked villages to steal all kinds of goods. They exchanged some of the stolen goods (radios, cows, goats, etc, ) with the FAZ soldiers (Zairean Army Forces of Mobutu) for weapons and ammunition, thus becoming more and more armed. The term Mayi- Mayi dates from after the debacle they faced at the end of 1996. In 1997 and 1998, a considerable number of them joined the AFDL, but from the beginning of the 1998 war, they violently opposed the invasion of the country by the Tutsi from neighboring countries (they made no distinction between the Tutsis from Rwanda and the Banyamulenge).
There are different groups of the Mayi-Mayi; The group that is based closest to Bukavu, led by a certain Padiri, is in hiding in the forest of the large Kalima region (Note that this is the Kalima mining region in Maniema province). Padiri has progressively organized his group, excluding hooligans who have in turn often formed independent groups of bandits and criminals, with no links to the Mayi Mayi. For several months now, some young persons have left this group to restart normal lives in society. It has not been confirmed that Padiri's Mayi-Mayi group is connected with much larger groups of Mayi-Mayi that are based much further to the west and who call themselves FAP (Forces "Autodefense Populaire, that is, Popular Self Defense Forces). The latter are known to be sporadically in contact with Kabila's forces.
E.) Interahamwe:
These are young men of Rwandan nationality who participated as militias between April 7th and mid-July 1994 in the genocide in Rwanda. Those who fled Rwanda in July and August 1994 to the DRC subsequently lived in refugee camps. When the Rwandan Army (APR) attacked these camps in October and November 1996, the majority of these Interahamwe fled to the west in the humid tropical forest of the DRC crossing the summits of the mountains on the western slope of the Albertin Rift. Afterwards, other young Rwandan refugees joined them and a collaboration of sorts was formed with the ex-FAR (soldiers of the Habyarimana regime).
They were also refugees except that they were from different refugee camps: the wounded and handicapped soldiers were at camps in Panzi/Bukavu, while those in good health were sheltered in Bulonge (at what used to be the Kinaplant plantation). It should be noted that a good number of these ex-FAR soldiers commandos who had been well-trained in Israel and at the well-known Kotakoli camp near Gbadolite in Congo (Equator Province). Most of them were thus able to withstand the harsh conditions in the Congolese tropical forest as well as train the Interahamwe groups (ie, the former militia members and other Rwandan Hutu young men). In 1997 and 1998, there were reports that these newly trained Interahamwe were operating alongside Congolese Mayi-Mayi in the forests bordering the mountainious and densely-populated part of the Kivu (to the west of Bukavu). Subsequently however, differences arose between these two groups composed of persons of different nationality (Congolese and Rwandan); they even fought against each other, for instance, at Mulamba-Cimanga.

It is certainly not easy to track the movement of the different groups of Hutus fleeing in disorder from refugee camps. It is plausible that some groups remained in hiding in the forest near the mountainous parts of the Kivu, such as Katshungu and Shabunda. Thus, they would not, as did other groups of Interhamwe and ex- FAR, cross the Congolese tropical forest towards the Central African Republic and Congo-Brazzaville. For several months, the UNHCR provided funding to several humanitarian organisations to search for and bring home these scattered refugees. Those refugees thus located who were willing to return to Rwanda were then airlifted on UNHCR Caravan planes, which carried about 30 persons per flight, to the Kavumu airstrip. With those still hiding in the forest receiving information that many of the returnees, especially men, were sent to prison upon arriving in Rwanda, they did all they could to avoid being repatriated. During this period they carried out isolated attacks on villages in the forest in search of means of survival (stealing goats, chickens, cassava flour, etc) causing the death of many villagers trying to defend themselves.
These Interahamwe were able to arm themselves during ambushes by seizing weapons and ammunition from the APR/RCD soldiers. For a while these Interahamwe groups collaborate with a group of mayi- mayi in the hinterland of the Bushi region (with a Mayi-Matyi group called Mudundu 40) but the brutal and predatory behaviour of these Interahamwe led to the end of this alliance. These unsupervised Interhamwe group fragments were subsequently led taken by a certain Kabila (same name as President Kabila of DRC but no relation) and a certain commander "Saddam" (who claims to be the son of the late President Habyarimana).

Apparently these two commanders fell into the hands of Commander Machumu's troops (APR/RCD) during an ambush at Mulamba but were subsequently released. The period after their release coincided with a series of attacks against social institutions in the hinterland of Bukavu. The main reason for the discord between them was the fact that the Interahamwe frequently killed Congolese civilians during their raids into villages. Today therefore, these groups referred to loosely as Interahamwe actually comprise not only ex-militiamen from Rwanda, but also young Hutu men who were not part of the Rwandan Interhamwe militia, and former soldiers of Habyarimana's army (ex-FAR). In its current usage, "Interhamwe" has become a generic name that extends even to persons who were not involved in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. In this article, they are designated as "Interahamwe" (in quotation marks).
To sum up, therefore:
Between 1994 - 1996: the term, Interahamwe referred to the Rwandan Hutu militia, formed and armed by extremist political parties and the FAR (Rwandan Armed Forces of the Habyarimana's regime. From April to July 1994, they participated in the Rwandan genocide. In mid-July, they left Rwanda and settled in camps for refugees. From the beginning of November 1996, under attack from the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) they left the camps and fled into the Congolese forest.

From 1997-2000:
The Interahamwe referred to above (ie, actual militiamen involved in the 1994 Rwandan genocide) are joined by other young Hutu men of Rwandan nationality who may or may not have taken part in that country's genocide. Together they joined ranks in the Congolese forest with the ex-FAR , and also had a brief alliance of sorts with the Mayi-Mayi.

F.) APR:
Acronym for Rwanda's army (Arm'e Patriotique Rwandaise). The army's rank-and-file is largely made up of Hutu soldiers, whereas the officers are largely Tutsi. The RPA makes very little use of the conventional titles in its military hierarchy: officers in charge at each military station or base are called "afande". Many army vehicles that ply the region's roads have car registration plates beginning with the letters "APR" followed by a vehicle number.

G.) Tutsi:
There are few Tutsi civilians of Rwandan nationality in South-Kivu, at least in the mountaineous parts of the Kivu. They are probably more numerous in the mining regions, where gold and other minerals are extracted, such as Kamituga, Lugushwa, and further afield in Salamabila and Kama, thanks to the frequent movements of many small airplanes, which have daily flights between Kavumu/Bukavu, Kamembe/Cyangugu; Kigali and the mining sites. Rwandan Tutsi in the Kivus are therefore essentially soldiers. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish a Rwandan Tutsi from a Munyamulenge, especially where they are under 30 or 40 years of age; this is so especially because many young Banyamulenge men associate with soldiers of the RPA.

H.)Banyamulenge:
These Tutsi are currently divided into different groups and shades of opinion. A very small intelligentsia or educated elite occupy posts of responsibility within the RCD, both in Goma and in Bukavu. Some are even publicly vocal about their extremist positions. A number of young Banyamulenge who took arms have remained fighters, but many have died in conflict on Congolese soil since 1996. Consequently, hundreds of young Banyamulenge women have been widowed, far too many for their in-laws to take care of them, as is traditionally the case. On the other hand, the majority of the Banyamulenge, who remained in the high plateaus of Uvira and therefore did not take up arms, do not espouse any alliance with the APR, out of concern that such collaboration will diminish their chances of obtaining Congolese nationality. I.) Military posts: Inside the smaller towns, there are military posts manned by small groups of soldiers. In general, at their head is a Rwandan commanding officer (an "afande") while the other soldiers are Rwandan Hutus, young Congolese who claim to belong to the RCD/Goma, and some Banyamulenge. Since May 3, 2000 all military commanders in the region are either RPA soldiers or members of the Banyamulenge ethnic group. A number of them are identified below:

Although he is currently less visible than before in Bukavu, commander Augustin MACHUMU, a Munyarwanda tutsi who asserts that Rutshuru in Northern Kivu is his birthplace, remains the commander in charge of Rwandan troops in Bukavu and its surroundings.

Claude AMULI, the RCD commander in Bukavu (who is Congolese) was transferred to Kalemie (400km south of Bukavu)and replaced by commander KAZURA, a Rwandan from the RPA;

Serge RUTAKAZA, RCD commander in Camp Saio, Bukavu (who is Congolese) was transferred to Kalemie and replaced by a Tutsi commander from Goma.

Etienne KASEREKA, commander of the RCD Congolese troops is still in Bukavu, but has been joined as Vice-commander by Wenceslas KAVUNDERI, a Tutsi from Rutshuru who lived previously in Kalemie (Katanga) and is a former soldier of the FAZ (Mobutu's army).

Charles OKETI, Congolese RCD commander in Walungu (50 km south west of Bukavu) was transferred to Kamituga (a mining city 175 km south west of Bukavu) and replaced by a Munyamulnge commander ALEXIS. (Family name unknown).

Charles RUZIBIZA, who is either Rwandan Tutsi or munyamulenge is now the commander in Kalonge (80 km north west of Bukavu) beyond the Mitumba mountains. Alexis IMBABAZI, Rwandan, is the APR commander of Kavumu airport (Bukavu's airport) and of Bunyakiri (90 km north west of Bukavu). The Congolese commanders who were replaced were sent to the battlefront with their troops.

K.) Motorola:
These are mobile communication handsets that operate on the 2M FM band. Theoretically, it should cover a 100 km distance with 5- watt power but its performance is often limited by the mountainous terrain, since FM signals are transmitted in straight lines. Motorolas are very efficient for short distance communication (ie, about 10km), in areas where cellular phones do not function. Once charged, they have a battery life of 2 to 3 days depending on how much they are used (sending messages consumes more energy than receiving).

Chronological List of the Recent Attacks in Bukavu.

phase: Attacks by "Interahamwe" and RCD/APR soldiers

Around mid of August 1998: TSHIBEKE (Walungu, 45 km south of Bukavu); assassination by RCD/APR soldiers of the Tshibeke plantation manager, on the road from Burhale leading towards Tubimbi and Mwenga (this road is the southwest exit from Bukavu)

September 1998 - May 1999 BURHALE (55 km from Bukavu), following a brutal occupation of the priests' house and the nearby schools by RCD/APR soldiers, the parish and Kamangala's Girls High School were abandoned for 8 months. The soldiers looted property from the homes of many villagers.

November 1999: NYABIBWE (100 km north of Bukavu}
This area is located at the northern confines of Bukavu's hinterland, from which the Masisi is closely accessible via mountain paths. A catholic parish was completely looted (including herds of cattle, construction materials prepared for the new parish church, and personal belongings of the priests). Also looted were a religious convent and a health center; items such as beds, bedding, solar panels and batteries, medicines and medical instruments were either taken or destroyed.

November 22 1999: KALONGE (60 km north west of Bukavu)
Here a new Catholic parish had just been created. There were deadly clashes between RCD/APR soldiers and the Hutu "Interahamwe" groups in hiding in the forest to the west of Kalonge (especially in Cyaminunu). Cyminunu, located at the edge of the Kalonge valley, is situated to the west of the chains Miitumba mountain chain. It is therefore outside the area where several attacks have occurred recently. The first attacjk here was on the Congolese priests' house, which was also looted; during the second attack on November 22, 1999, Rev. Father George Kakuja was cruelly assassinated by a bullet shot between his clavicle and the shoulder while he was kneeling down.

December 22, 1999: MUGOGO (29 km south west of Bukavu)
After looting the vast dairy cattle farms of the Mulume Munene farms, beginning November 24 1999, the RCD/RPA soldiers turned for their supplies to looting the huts and village houses. Then they crossed the valley and looted the priests' house and the newly-built convent for religious nuns, at Mugogo, which is half way between Bukavu and Walungu on the "route des planteurs"

Second Phase: Attacks for which the RCD/APR claims the "Interahamwe" are responsible

May 31, 2000 (10.30 pm) MURHESA (25 Km north of Bukavu)
Armed attacks on Murhesa Theological Seminary. A second year student, the Seminarian AMATI Claude Gustave (29 yrs.) and the watchman are killed. The small commercial center of the town locates on the tarred road was destroyed.

Jun 17, 2000 (6. 30 PM) KABARE}
There have been reports about the existence of a camp in Kabare where the APR trains Rwandan Hutu soldiers. (19 km south west of Bukavu). Three weeks prior to this date, the "Interahamwe" looted village houses in MWERA and BUSHWIRA, about 10 km from Kabare on the road towards Walungu; several persons were killed. The heads of social institutions in Kabare contacted the local political, administrative and military authorities to seek protection. A small RCD military guard was dispatched to the catholic parish of Kabare and nearby Mokongola hospital. On Saturday June 17, from about 6:30pm, many soldiers began taking positions on the road leading to Canya, facing the religious sisters' convent. Some of them hid in cassava plantations near the road. Around 9pm, they were joined by other soldiers, who came on foot and spoke only Kinyarwanda. The number of soldiers had become significant. Two days before, a number of conversations had been overheard in which soldiers talked about the need for troop reinforcements from Rwanda within three days. On that evening then (June 17), gunshots were heard, followed by the shouting of war chants. The looting of villagers homes nearby then began. Then started the search for the doctor in charge of the hospital, while the soldiers repeatedly called out "Romeo 09"(communication code for Bukavu) on their Motorola handsets.

Finally, their colleagues in Bukavu responded. The attackers asked to be put in touch with Rwanda and then followed communication via Motorola in swahili; apparently their colleagues were asking if the doctor had been found. The Kabare hospital was then invaded, in the process the soldiers inflicted blows and wounds on the nurse on duty, and carried away medical equipment. At the hospital's maternity ward, women who had just delivered and midwives were beaten and searched, even babies were undressed. Subsequently, one village inhabitant realized that their village was under attack from the RCD/APR and alerted his neighbors. This individual was killed shortly thereafter. At the home of one Mr. Mushamuka in the Cirunga hamlet, his 12-year old son was killed, 4 goats shot and food crops (cassava flour and beans) destroyed. Towards 3 am, the sound of moving vehicles was heard. An hour later, the few soldiers who had been assigned as a military guard at the parish and the hospital surfaced, inquiring about what had happened. This military guard at the parish has since been removed. The APR commander in Kabare is a Rwandan Hutu called GONZALVE NTAGANDA. This officer is strongly suspected of having participated in the massacre at Kalonge.
The key question of course is: what really happened in Kabare at the parish and the sisters' convent? An unexplained detail: during the attack at Kabare, the soldiers were feverishly looking for a lost boot in the woods. Very early on the morning June 21, they came back to the same area, still ostensibly seraching for something.

June 26, 2000 (11 am), at CIDAHO
There was an attack on "Toyota stout" pick-up truck at Cidaho, on the road between Bukavu and Walungu, by an armed group, in the presence of at least 2-armed persons of tutsi ethnicity (??) in military uniform, armed and using Motorola handsets. Two persons were killed on the spot (the driver and a passenger, the latter being the commander of the Bukavu's central prison). Other persons in the area (including the passengers of a VW beetle) were molested and stripped off everything they had (bags, money, watches, one of the abused ladies recognized one of their assailants as an individual whom she often saw in the company of Charles UKETI, the RCD's military commander in Walungu.

June 6, 2000 (11 PM): at LUWINJA.
This was the 9th attack since RCD/APR war began in mid-1998. A convent (deserted by the religious sisters since August 11, 1999) was attacked by heavily-armed men wearing rubber shoes. This element of detail is important. The Rwandan ex-FAR, Interahamwe militia, and the congolese FAZ (remnants of Mobutus army) never wore shoes made from rubber. These were introduced into the region for the first time by AFDL soldiers. It is unlikely that former refugees (???) (soldiers, militiamen or civilians) who fled into the forest in November 1996 could have rubber shoes. It should be noted that in the locals generally refer to these as "bottines" (boots) whereas in fact they are not. who spoke Kinyarwanda and Swahili. At the convent two doors and several windows were destroyed and some radio communication equipment was taken. At 2:30 am, the priest's house was attacked. The attackers stole and destroyed items belonging to a Congolese priest, who was also physically assaulted (kicked). They tied up, threw to the ground and severely kicked a nurse (a Polish nun) and her (Congolese) nursing assistant. Subsequently, several items were stolen. The attackers systematically searched the unoccupied room of the Sister who runs the health center. They physically assaulted the Congolese parish priest and extorted from him money (in US dollars) that CARITAS had donated the day before to support orphans at schools in Luwinja, Kaziba and Burhinyi. They also seized the priest's radio set and items of clothing. The assailants also attacked another Congolese priest, smashing his doors and demanding 6000 US dollars The aggressors asked him 6000 US $ (which he did not have). They then took him to the home of the resident medical doctor and pharmacist of the health center, the latter two having escaped to Ifendula. Finding nobody there, the attackers broke into the house, taking whatever they found (watches, clothes, shoes, money, etc). The specific manner for instance, by which doors were forced upon indicates that the attackers had precise information on the layout of the houses. It should be noted that during this attack, soldiers stationed at Luwinja, 3 km from the parish and the health center were notified of the attack but refused to go to the parish; a number of gunshots were fired but the attack continued unhindered. The victims of the attack recognized two Rwandan Tutsi soldiers.

July 21, 2000 (12: am): at LWIRO
The day before there was an unusually heavy military presence with many unfamiliar faces among them. Around midnight that day, a large group of soldiers of Congolese and Rwandans nationality in new uniforms and pretending to be park guards (NB: the Kahuzi-Biega Wild Life Reserve is close by) fleeing from the Interahamwe, said they were looking for Dr. Janvier KABUYA of CEMUBAC to borrow his car. Once there, they looted his house (In fact, they already had with them a Toyota Land Cruiser). They spoke Swahili, Kinyarwanda, French, and Lingala. They took some money and a small typewriter owned by a local NGO in the house of one Mr. Muhozi, the human resources director of CEMUBAC, and also burnt books and notebooks. After beating her father, they took Mr Muhozi's daughter and compelled her to show them the houses of other targets. They systematically looted the house of CEMUBAC's administrative and finance director and physically assaulted those present. At the CEMUBAC office, computers, hard drives and diskettes were stolen from the storeroom. At the children's hospital, two microscopes and medicines were stolen and the nurses were beaten up. After breaking the windows, they entered into the house of the volcano research manager but found the members of the household praying and went away. At the Protestant church pastor's house, they stole many things that the Kahungu family, thinking that the Pastor's home was safer, had entrusted to him. There was an exchange of fire between the attackers and local police. Several small traders' shops were also looted.

July 30, 2000 (11 AM): at NYAKAZIBA.
At Nyafunze (a locality on steep slope 10 kms from Nyakaziba) a jeep travelling from Bukavu to Kaziba was attacked. One person was killed and several others injured. The deceased was Mr. Felix KANTINTIMA (28), the youngest brother of Bashengezi Kantitima, the Governor of South Kivu. It should be noted that Kaziba is the stronghold of the Governor where there exists a so-called "local defense' militia backed by the APR. They were also on alert at this time because of an imminent visit of Mr. Ilunga, the president of the RCD.

August 15, 2000 (starting from 8 PM): KANIOLA.
An RCD group coming from Walungu attacked the health center (mainly the pharmacy and the maternity ward). They took medicines, money and women's garments. They also stole the microphones and amplifiers from the sacristy of the parish, and set a Land Rover Jeep on fire. A member of the parish's security patrol was killed with a machete, while one lady died of a heart attack. A six-day old baby died after being thrown down; four other people were injured and taken to the Walungu hospital. When on the following day, the Walungu town authorities came to the spot and were informed about the presence of Tutsi among the attackers, they responded instead that these were "uncontrolled troops". The diocesan priests remained in the parish whereas the Italian nuns fled to Bukavu.

Analysis of the Attacks.

In an incident that occurred at Lwuhinja (near Kaziba) on July 17, villagers managed to subdue and kill one attacker and to apprehend another (a Rwandan Hutu). The next morning, they took their prisoner to the military post and handed the weapon of the one they had killed, also a Rwandan Hutu soldier. The commander of the military post (himself a Rwandan) issued threats against these villagers, accusing them of having killed a soldier!
There has never been a serious official or military investigation after an attack, not even a promise to that one would be carried out. By contrast, RCD-controlled radio in Bukavu systematically announces that these attacks were carried out by "Interahamwe" militia. This radio station is hardly credible: after the attack of the jeep in broad daylight on June 26, 2000 in Cidaho, it announced that the attackers had already been apprehended. In reality the persons referred to by the station were prisoners being transferred from the Walungu prison to that of Kavumu, via Bukavu. The survivors of the attack on the jeep identified two Tutsi assailants, one of them holding a Motorola handset.

In 1997-1998, the "Interahamwe" penetrated into the villages from the forest, mainly through either banana or tea plantations. There were thus occasional contacts (some peaceful and some less so) between villagers and "Interahamwe". The "Interahamwe" have told local villagers that they know their way around the area quite well because crossed it while living in refugee camps spread out in the Kivu highlands (especially the Nyamirangwe and Cimanga camps
That is, the only two camps in the vicinity of Bukavu that were set up at a reasonable distance from the Rwandan border (respectively 25 and 60km). When the local inhabitants noticed and reported them to the military (AFDL, then subsequently RCD/APR), the latter completely avoided hunting down for these groups of "interahamwe" out of fear. There are no longer contacts of this kind between the local population and the " interahamwe.".

The 1997-1998 attacks of the "Interahamwe'" were very different from the ones observed these last months. Previously they only attacked hamlets and villages, just like the Mai-Mai. Generally, they were noticed by villagers around 3-4 pm, and as the villagers were very much afraid of them (many of tham having been killed by these groups), they often left the villages to hide in the fields. Then the "interahamwe" would go in and take whatever they found in the houses. Generally they were after blankets, clothes, cooking pans, medicine, and food that is, items they needed for their immediate survival in the forest. To our knowledge, they had at least once in Katana taken clothes for infants, an indication that they had women with them. By contrast, the items that are stolen in the recent wave of attacks would be of no use to those "interahamwe" living in hiding in the forest where there is no electricity.
Audiovisual equipment, electronic household appliances and medical equipment (such as microscopes) would only be valuable to them if they could find a market at which to sell them (or by hawking them door-to-door) neither of which is possible for them. It is noteworthy that the items stolen in these recent raids would be very valuable for people who can sell them or use them in their homes.

The timing of the attacks is also different: in 1997-1998, the "interahamwe" bands raided villagers houses and huts just before dusk (around 6 pm). Nowadays, "interahamwe" operate after dusk, when it is really dark (between 7 and 8pm). The size of the groups is also different, as is the weapons they carry.
It is known that Kabila's forces did on many occasions supply the Mai-mai with military uniforms, weapons and ammunition. They used Antonovs 27 aircraft that apparently flew from the Kamina Air Base and landed on small airstrips hundreds of kilometres to the south west of Bukavu. However, there have been no reports in the Bukavu hinterland of the presence of groups having received such supplies.

Since there are few points of entry into Bukavu from neighboring Rwanda, There are only two entry-points by road into Bukavu. The rest of the common border between south-Kivu and Rwanda is occupied either by Lake Kivu (to the north) or the Ruzizi River (to the south). For decades now, these entry-points, established upon independence of the then Zaire in 1960, are normally closed as from 6 pm. Nowadays, cars belonging to the APR or civilians' vehicles seized by the army (typically pick-ups and trucks) cross the border several times especially in Ruzizi 1st (the metal bridge) . From these points of entry to the south-Kivu hinterland, there is no access route that does not involve passing through Bukavu town itself. It is quite easy to notice the movements of troops or armed groups. Several times therefore, during the day or at night, full truckloads of young Hutu (men) in shabby clothes, without uniforms have been seen entering Bukavu from Rwanda under the escort of APR soldiers. It was gleaned from its occupants when one of these trucks stopped that it these young Hutu came from Rwandan prisons. One explanation is that these youth were suspected of being "interahamwe" who participated in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. These youths are different from the "interahamwe" who have been hiding in the forest since the Oct-Nov 1996 war.
Independently from the current thesis prevailing in Bukavu that young Hutu men are being used to carry out attacks in the Bukavu area, some snippets of information from Rwanda indicate that some Hutus are being seized by the APR and brought into the Congo while a member of their family is put in prison as a hostage.

It is absolutely undeniable that during the attacks of the previous months, several attackers with physical features associated with persons of Tutsi ethnicity used Motorola handsets to communicate on FM. (Supporting this assertion with photographs is futile because these photos will be rejected as having been taken on different occasions). This notwithstanding, Motorola handsets must be recharged at least every two or three days for them to function. It is known that some Rwandan refugees had at their disposal in certain camps, especially the camp at Kashusha: faxes, phones, radio receivers, etc which functioned with solar power and that the occupants of these camps could have escaped with them into the tropical forest while fleeing in November 1996. It is however also plausible that they would have discarded them in their haste to flee, or tat these machines would now be in disrepair due to the damp weather condition in the forest. (Note that November 1996 was a particularly rainy month).
It is equally undeniable that several times the attackers spoke Kinyarwanda, even if it was not the only language spoken during the attacks. As this has been reported several times after different and is now well known, we have observed that during the most recent attacks, those involved hardly speak to each other. Admittedly, Hutu "interahamwe" militia from the 1994 genocide speak Kinyarwanda. However it is observed that persons of Tutsi ethnicity speak Kinyarwanda during these attacks; it is therefore difficult not to believe that there is at least some connivance between those Hutus and APR soldiers. It is indisputable that some attackers were clearly identified as members of the small RCD/APR military posts stationed close to the areas attacked.

Imputing all these attacks to the "interahamwe" has become less and less plausible. While it is true that in the past Bukavu has suffered attacks from several groups (including the Mai-mai, former Maimai elements, the "interahamwe", ex-FAZ soldiers in flight) it is also true that the authors of the recent attacks in the year 2000 are at the very least in contact with the APR soldiers. The systematic and hurried conclusions made on official RCD radio in Bukavu that all the attacks are carried out by the "interahamwe", even in cases where this is not only false but manifestly impossible, when considered together with the lack of will to investigate other leads, reinforces the widespread belief that the attacks are backed by APR officers. It also lends credence to the fact that even if the attacks are carried out by persons acting individually, they are under the command of the APR in Kigali.

From time to time, the RCD radio in Bukavu announces that Mai-mai elements have been captured in places far off from Bukavu. It has never announced the capture of "interahamwe" elements whereas if the information the station broadcasts after each "interahamwe" attack is true, there should be several "interahamwe" around. It may be argued that it is the same group of "interahamwe" who are perpetrating these attacks. In that case however, it is hard to explain why they have not been captured since they must have had to make significant movements from one place to another within a region covering less than 80 km to the west of Bukavu to perpetrate these attacks.

This denunciation of the existing connivance between so-called "interahamwe" and Tutsi soldiers and Congolese RCD soldiers under their control does not originate from a sentiment of resentment towards Tutsi soldiers.
This impression is the result of progressive realization that so many attacks taking place had exceptionally similar characteristics.

10/12/00 Rights group says Rwanda army attacks Congo priests

The Geneva based organization said it was the 38th attack on a parish or health center since war broke out in the Democratic Republic of Congo in August 1998, and said the attacks had increased since March. Rwanda and Uganda back rebels in the Congo fighting to overthrow President Laurent Kabila, and together occupy huge swathes of the vast, mineral rich country. KabilaÕs forces are supported by soldiers from Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia. Meanwhile, another international human rights watchdog criticized Rwandan backed rebels for the public beating of at least 13 human rights activists in the eastern Congolese town of Bukavu on Oct. 9.
Rebel soldiers broke up a meeting of activists in Bukavu which was being held in the wake of the visit of U.N. human rights commissioner Mary Robinson to the Congo, New York based Human Rights Watch said in a statement. ÒAccording to an observer present at the meeting, Congolese and Rwandan soldiers made the members of the human rights groups come out of the office one by one … lie down and beat them publicly in front of a big crowd with sticks and fists,Ó HRW said. The rebels and their Rwandan backers are deeply unpopular among most residents of Bukavu, and enjoy a very uneasy relationship with so-called Òcivil societyÓ and the Catholic church in the lakeside city. A senior Rwandan government official said he unaware of the incidents and said they sounded ÒunlikelyÓ. ÒI believe these are just stories,Ó said Patrick Mazimhaka, Rwandan presidential envoy to AfricaÕs Great Lakes region. On her visit to the Congo, Robinson blamed both the government and rebel groups of widespread human rights violations in the country, including torture and repression of the freedom of speech and association.

11/21/00   Kabila reshuffles Democratic Congo government

11/23/00 Southern African Ministers Review Security

"We all share a common interest in having a viable, effective and appropriate mechanism for the co-ordination, promotion and defense of our shared peace and security objectives in the region," he said. SADC is made up of Angola, Botswana, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, the Congo, Lesotho, Tanzania, South Africa, Swaziland, Seychelles, Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

11/25/00   Burundi Parties Open Talks, Criticized by Mediators

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