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The U.S. is "running out of demons. I'm down to Fidel Castro & Kim Il Sung" Colin Powell former Joint Chiefs of Staff chair & millennial Sec.State per
Robt. Borosage "Inventing the Threat: | |
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a Polonius
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REYNALDO | ||
Colin Powell as the four-star general who masterminded the lopsided U.S.
victory over Saddam Hussein
is an icon (like) Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Many view him as serious contender for Presidency of the United States.
Powell's Gulf War strategy
With the support of a 30 country coalition and
untold billions of dollars, Powell organized a half million U.S. personnel and
with almost no casualties, gunned down tens of thousands of Saddam's Iraqi
invaders. His armies then easily drove what was left of Saddam's army out of
Kuwait.
The answer is in a Senate Armed Services Committee report into the incident. The report criticized Powell and his staff for bending to political pressure by making a decision against sending AC-130 gun ships to support the American Troops. An October 30, 1995 political poll revealed that Powell would vault ahead of Republican presidential front runner Senator Robert Dole should the retired general decide to run for President. Behind the scenes, former President George Bush is privately cheerleading for the man he appointed chairman of the JCS. Political power brokers and mentors of Powell, such as Frank Carlucci, Casper Weinberger and Richard Armitage, are also lending their influential support. Establishment media has effectively blown a blizzard of free publicity to "the insider's insider".
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As an Army officer, Powell's superiors considered him a consummate "team
player". They could count on Powell to haul their water despite any
contradictory feels he may have had. Powell's blind loyalty was
demonstrated during a second tour in Vietnam (1968-69), where as deputy
assistant chief of staff for operations G-3 at American Division HQ in Chu Lai,
he was asked to handle a potentially embarrassing letter a young soldier had
written to Gen. Creighton Abrams, commander of all U.S. forces in Vietnam. The
soldier had written about rumors of a massacre that American Division soldiers
had committed in the hamlet of My Lai 4 in South Vietnam. Although he did
not mention My Lai in the letter, the soldier complained that American soldiers
were indiscriminately killing Vietnamese civilians. Such acts, the young soldier
warned "are carried on at entire unit levels and thereby acquire the aspect of
sanctioned policy". Several days after he received a copy of the letter, Powell sent a memo to his superior, the adjutant general, making the outrageous claim that the young soldier had not given enough specifics upon which to base an inquiry. The purposely blind Powell said the soldier's charges were false except for "isolated instances". He wrote that "relations between American soldiers and the Vietnamese are excellent". Powell's damage control efforts soon proved fruitless and the My Lai massacre burst onto the world stage like an atomic explosion, severely damaging the U.S. war effort in Vietnam. On the orders of Lt. William Calley, soldiers from the U.S. Army American Division had indeed indiscriminately gunned down an entire village of men, women and children. Although Powell's attempt to cover up the massacre was unsuccessful, he had at least proven his willingness to do what was necessary to please his bosses. For his two tours of duty in Vietnam, Powell, who was never exposed to serious combat, was awarded the Purple Heart for a minor foot wound he received after stepping on a "punji stick". He was later awarded a Bronze Star for heroism and the Soldiers Medal for pulling two men free from a NON-COMBAT RELATED helicopter crash. After returning from Vietnam, the ambitious young officer attended George Washington University, courtesy of the Army, and received an MBA degree.
A year later, in 1972, Powell was one of 17 persons hand picked by Washington
insiders from more than 1,500 military and civilian applicants for White House
fellowships. He was assigned to work for Frank Carlucci, who was at that time
deputy director of the Office of Management and Budget, and Casper Weinberger,
budget director. The two became Powell's champions in Washington's power
circles.
President Nixon made a politically convenient decision to ignore
high level intelligence which told of large numbers of American prisoners of war
being held back as hostages by the communist Vietnamese and their Laotian
puppets after the war ended. Nixon's decision to declare all "missing" Americans
dead caused a controversy which has plagued Washington decision makers to this
day.
Armitage, who Powell now claims is his best friend, has been lined by various
news reports to CIA sanctioned arms and drug trafficking during the mid-'70s while working for a
U.S. government agency based in Bangkok, Thailand.
Syndicated columnist,
Jack Anderson, reported in the March 13, 1986 issue of the Washington Post that
the President's Commission on Organized Crime had questioned Armitage about his
relationship with a Vietnamese refugee who was convicted in 1985 of running a major gambling
operation in Arlington, VA. Armitage had written a letter on official Defense Department
stationary urging the Arlington County Court to "show mercy" on the refugee whom
he acknowledged was a friend. But, Powell's damage control activities have not
been limited to Armitage. He played an active role in White House damage control
following the tragic loss of hundreds of marines when the U.S. Marine barracks
in Beirut were blown up. (MARINE GUARDS HAD BEEN FORCED TO STAND GUARD DUTY
WITH EMPTY RIFLES.) Powell also helped with damage control after the U.S.
government's failed attempt to kill Libya's Moammar Khadafy, a bombing raid
which instead killed one of the Libyan leader's children.
In January, 1986, the political general again blindly obeyed his superiors and
secretly transferred U.S. TOW missiles to Iran without the approval or knowledge
of Congress. Fortunately for Powell, his powerful mentors successfully
camouflaged and explained away his not so insignificant role in what later
became known as the Iran-Contra affair. Powell had his "ticket punched" again in
June 1986 when he was temporarily given a much coveted military assignment as
the commanding general of the 75,000 member 5th Corps in Frankfort, West
Germany. After only six months of service as a real commanding general, Powell's
handlers recalled him to the White House when the Iran Contra affair exploded.
Reagan administration damage control experts scurried to replace the disgraced
Bud McFarlane giving the job to the trusted Carlucci. As he had done in the
past, Carlucci summoned Powell to his side, naming him deputy national security
advisor. During this assignment, the political general was involved in a secret
telephone conversation with a senior aide to Vice President George Bush
.
The call, concerning an effort Ross Perot was making to attain the release of
live American prisoners of war believed to be held by the communists in
Indochina, was documented
According to a declassified memorandum detailing the call, at 3:40 pm on March
21, 1987, Powell became engaged in the conversation during which the Bush aide
asked Powell to check out certain details pertaining to the Perot effort.
Powell said he would call back. The memorandum, which was written by the Bush
aide, shows that Powell called back at 3:55 pm and reported that the Vietnamese
communists had not been cooperating with the U.S. government on the POW/MIA
issue for "the last few months". According to Powell, the Vietnamese apparently
believed that there was "a 'bigger deal' coming soon who will be bearing gifts
and so our people [the U.S. Government] have been stiffed."
Undoubtedly, that statement refers to Perot and the positive reaction of the Vietnamese to his
attempt to secure the release of live American prisoners of war. The memorandum
continued to quote Powell saying, "We still believe it is not wise for Ross to
go...after 14 years they [the Vietnamese] have denied live Americans...if they
were to produce live people, can you imagine what will be asked for?"
In late 1987, Colin Powell
was appointed the National Security Advisor to
President Reagan and served in that prestigious post until 1989. Then, as had
happened before, Powell was sent off for a four month tour in a military
command. This time, for a brief period in 1989, he became Commander in Chief at
Forces Command, Ft. McPherson, Ga. Shortly after Powell assumed that command,
President Bush, over the objections of the military's top brass, reached well
beyond their ranks and pulled his thoroughbred political general to the top,
appointing Powell as the U.S. military's top officer, Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff. "I believe the entire professional military establishment was disturbed by his appointment," said Admiral Eugene Carroll. "looking at General Powell's career record, it is clear that he was picked out early for a more important role in life than getting his boots dirty." According to a September 18, 1995 U.S. News and World Report article: President Bush had been presented with a "dilemma" in 1992 - how to help keep Vietnam's communist leaders from losing face because of an unexpected and embarrassing appearance of detailed POW/MIA records and photos, whose very existence the communists had long denied. Bush's answer - U.S. government officials would secretly create "a public relations script" for the communists. The action agent would be Colin Powell's Pentagon. U.S. News and World Report detailed the Bush administration's solution:
Powell's loyalty to his mentors and fellow insiders is now paying off. He talks daily about his upcoming presidential race with best friend Richard Armitage, a man many believe to be most responsible for the failed attempts to recover living American prisoners from Indochina. Powell says that he would trust Richard Armitage with the lives of his children. Other Americans did and they lost. Meanwhile, Powell's handlers appear to be ready to race their thoroughbred. Newsweek reports that George Bush "is privately talking up his old general," Casper Weinberger is "making behind-the-scenes calls" and Frank Carlucci is "rounding up" uncommitted Republicans. |
Irish flip
3.10.01 Warren P. Strobel Knight Ridder News Service ANALYSIS Despite, or perhaps because of, a blue-chip roster of foreign and defense policy veterans, the Bush team is having trouble in its early weeks sending a coherent message about its policies. "They're communicating a number of precise messages. They just happen to conflict with each other," said Kenneth Lieberthal, Asia specialist on the National Security Council staff under President Clinton. The missteps suggest that Powell, VP Cheney, Def.Sec Rumsfeld & NatlSec.Adviser Condoleezza Rice are vying for Bush's ear on foreign policy, where the president has little experience. When S.Korean President Kim Dae-jung came to Washington this week, seeking Bush's backing in his quest for peace with reclusive N.Korea, he was greeted by a U.S. administration with a policy that appeared to veer from conciliatory to hard-line depending on who was explaining it. On the eve of Kim's visit, Powell said, "We do plan to pick up where President Clinton and his administration left off." But after a White House official contradicted him, Powell changed course the next morning, saying "there's no hurry" to engage N.Korea. Bush himself voiced skepticism about whether the communist state could be trusted. A senior administration official said Powell's mistake was leaving the impression that negotiations would resume right away.
3.12.01 CHRISTOPHER TORCHIA AP
3.14.01 CNN
Another comment Wed. of last week, involved U.S. policy on Jerusalem, which both the Israelis
and the Palestinians claim as their capital. The United States has long maintained that the fate of
Jerusalem is a "final status" issue to be negotiated between the parties. Asked by Senate Foreign
Relations Committee about Pres.GWBush's plans to move the U.S. embassy out of Tel Aviv,
Powell said the president was committed to moving "the embassy to the capital of Israel, which is
Jerusalem." Boucher called the comment an inadvertent mistake and said U.S. policy on
Jerusalem remained unchanged. The mistake provoked strong reaction in the Arab world
Arab-American leaders met with Powell Tuesday and said he took personal responsibility for the
comment, saying Powell called it a "mischaracterization" of policy. Boucher attributed the
statements to Powell's extemporaneous speaking style.
Powell is known for appearing
before Congress and the news media w/out piles of briefing notes.
[ Powell goes noteless because he has been trained by the privileged who know they
will never be held accountable due to their wealth or power. They know better than to jeopardize
their privilege by even having facts & records for which they MIGHT be held accountable. Powell
apes his masters. This is the noblesse oblige power technique of Ivy League & Eaton;
confidence in acting as if you were above, hence beyond, the fray puts you beyond the fray.
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Bush LatinAm advisers' IranContra roles Colin Powell, Sec.State Sec.Defense military asst (known as "filter"). Autobio: Pentagon's "point man" for U.S. Contra support. Key role funding Contras via illegal arms sales to Iran.
John Maisto, Natl Security Council Adviser Inter-American affairs
John Negroponte, U.S. UN ambassador
Otto Juan Reich, Asst Sec.State W.Hem.Affairs
3.14.01 Bus.News Hartford Courant [ NTFAA NAFTA expanison to entire W.Hemisphere]
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7.24.01 Reuters Powell, the most senior U.S. official who fought in the war to visit Vietnam, was to attend a meeting of the regional ASEAN group, but will also meet U.S. officials trying to find remains of American war veterans still missing in action (MIA). More than 58,000 Americans were killed in the war and establishing the fate of those still missing has long been a top priority in U.S. relations with Vietnam, which began moving away from old-style socialist central planning in 1986.
But the two countries are also focusing on a landmark bilateral trade deal which passed an important hurdle on July
17 when it won approval by a key Senate committee in Washington. "MIA will always be a top priority, whether it's
number one or number two, it will always be at the top of the list somehow," Powell told reporters. "We have an
obligation to the families, an obligation to those men to get the fullest possible accounting for what happened with
them," he said. He said he was looking forward to meeting the new U.S. MIA team after seven Americans --
including the outgoing and the incoming commander -- and nine Vietnamese were killed in a helicopter crash in
April while searching for remains. The Vietnamese foreign ministry has refrained from commenting on Powell's war record, saying he would be welcome like other foreign ministers. Asked on Tuesday whether Powell would be |
5.12.01 AP On Friday, he told a group of Malaysian businessmen and academics that globalization was a threat to nations' sovereignty and praised Malaysia's "spirit of rebellion.'' [ Then let Malay timber corps strip mine Cuba like they do the rest of Latin America & Cambodia ] Mahathir, like Castro, is an outspoken critic of Washington and what he calls an unfair international financial system. He's given the Cuban leader an extraordinarily warm welcome, with the two countries signing an accord Friday to bolster cooperation in trade, science and technology. "We are the rebels of the West,'' Castro said. "And Malaysia is the rebel of the East.'' |
Arab Ministers Condemn Israel 7.18.01 AP
CAIRO Arab foreign ministers condemned Israel's actions against the Palestinians Wednesday but
failed to reach a consensus on reviving a boycott of Israeli products. A resolution issued by the 10 Arab foreign
ministers described Israel as "a rogue & outlaw state'' and denounced "the Israeli practices of
assassination, kidnapping and houses demolition.'' It called on the U.S. to exert pressure on the Israeli govt "to
halt its practices which threaten the chances for peace.'' Separately, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was
quoted as saying that the Mideast crisis cannot be solved with Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in power,
because "he is a man who only knows killing, beating and war.'' "It seems that there will be no solution with Sharon,
whose principle is using force and whose nature does not accept peace. To be more frank, I don't see any hope
with Sharon and his group of extremists,'' Mubarak told China's Xinhua News Agency.
The ministers did not adopt a hard-line proposal to hold a meeting to discuss reviving the boycott of Israeli goods
& Western companies doing business with Israel. No such meetings have been held since 1993, the year of
the first Israeli-Palestinian interim peace accord, when some Arab states relaxed or lifted the boycott. The final
statement issued by the ministers also dropped a reference to suspending political contacts with Israel until it
withdraws from occupied Arab territories, instead renewing a commitment to peace with Israel. |
Michael Powell's nomination sailed through the Clinton White House at a time when the
Clintonites were equally careful not to provoke a Powell candidacy for president. Powell senior
threw a congratulatory party for his son, inviting the other FCC commissioners. And the
schmoozing crossed party boundaries. Vice President Al Gore went so far as to personally swear
Michael Powell into office, an odd decision by a Democratic vice president for a minor Republican
appointee. But Gore, remember, also had an interest in making sure Powell senior didn't run for
president in 2000. Perhaps if Michael Powell had gone out of his way to avoid any hint of
impropriety, this could be overlooked. But, in his capacity as a member of the FCC board,
Powell took a strong stand on the AOL-Time Warner merger. He was in the minority in wanting to
waive all objections to the deal and was instrumental in shepherding it through. This despite the
fact that his father became a director of the company the year after Michael became an FCC
board member (resigning only two weeks ago) and owns some 240,000 stock options, acquired
during the same period. Since Powell junior signed off on the merger, Powell senior's
stock options in the company have increased in value by close to $4 million. If the stock price
goes beyond $65 per share, Powell has the option to purchase 80,000 more. Still, Powell junior
refused to recuse himself from the decision, and the ruling was upheld by the usual ethics
watchdogs. Legally, it was Michael Powell's decision to make. Ethically, it stinks.
I am not saying Michael Powell is unqualified for his job. By all accounts he is qualified enough:
intelligent, hard-working, a good schmoozer, and so on. I even like his free-market bent regarding
regulation. And no one should be punished for being a relative of a Washington macher.
But today's neo-nepotism is subtler than a simple hereditary claim to high office. The question to
be asked is not "Is this man qualified?" The question is "Did this man get a job over other equally
or more qualified candidates because of his lineage?" I think in Michael Powell's case, especially
given the attention his career has received from the likes of McCain, Gore, and Bush, the answer
has to be yes. For that reason alone, his appointment is easily Bush's most suspect yet.
Michael Powell is not alone, of course. This week saw Senator Strom Thurmond nominate his
own 28-year-old son to be the top federal prosecutor in South Carolina. Here are some other
examples:
Hillary Clinton, who would never have become a senator if she hadn't been married to a
president
[ false; she got her husband where he is - ed. ];
George W. Bush, an able man [ extremely false - ed. ] who would have
had about as much chance of becoming president as Pee-wee Herman if he had a different last
name;
Senator Jean Carnahan, whose only qualification for office is her dead husband; any Kennedy in
public life, bar Kathleen Kennedy Townsend; Elaine Chao, labor secretary-designate and wife of
Mitch McConnell; Andrew Cuomo, son of Mario and married to a Kennedy; Evan Bayh; Jesse
Jackson Jr.; Steve Forbes; Al Gore, whose first congressional seat was his father's. I could go
on.
The irony is that the public, far from being outraged by this insider trading, actually embraces it.
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11.03.97 Sworn in as a member of the FCC 1996-97 Chief of staff for Justice Dept antitrust div. 1994-96 Assoc. to Washington office of O'Melveny & Myers LLP 1993-94 Judicial clerk for Chief Judge Harry T. Reynolds, U.S. Court of Appeals for Dist. of Columbia 1988-90 Policy adviser on U.S.-Japan security matters to Defense Dept 1985-88 U.S. Army armor officer Education: College of William & Mary, 1985; Georgetown Univ. Law Ctr, 1993 Source: FCC |
02.06.01 Christopher Stern Wash.Post When asked what he thought of the so-called "digital divide," a reference to the lack of high speed Internet access and other services in poor and rural neighborhoods, Powell was quick to point out that innovative products often reach the wealthy before they spread to the rest of society. "I think there is a Mercedes divide," Powell said, adding, "I would like to have one, but I can't afford one." In his comments, Powell clearly established a break with the activist agendas of recent chairmen appointed by former President Clinton. "I am going to wait for issues to come to me, decide them and get them out," Powell said. |
Now Michael Powell is following his father in a different fashion: Together, the two men are the first
father-son executive appointees to serve in the same administration since 1959, when President
Eisenhower named George Lodge assistant secretary of labor, joining his father, Henry Cabot
Lodge, then ambassador to the United Nations. Though the FCC chairmanship is not a cabinet
position, Powell is nonetheless stepping into one of the key positions in the new administration.
Once a backwater agency that served as a sort of air-traffic controller for radio and television
signals, the modern-day FCC holds sway over much of the so-called New Economy amid a
general slowdown. "Michael Powell might be the single most important person in the Bush
government for the purpose of building a healthy information sector," said Reed Hundt, himself a
former FCC chairman. "He's got a really tough job. He is totally responsible for the performance of
the information economy, and it's going down, not up. He's got to turn it around right now."
Powell's role in that particular merger review raised some eyebrows. He voted for the deal even
though his father sat on AOL's board at the time and owned stock options worth more than $7
million, according to disclosure statements. Though agency rules did not bar Powell from voting,
some consumer advocates labeled his actions a conflict. During Powell's tenure on the FCC, the
agency has increasingly found itself tugged by interest groups into a broadening debate over
regulations governing the Internet. Powell's consistent counsel has been to stay clear. He
contends that so many new and disruptive technologies have emerged in the last few years that
no company is immune to competition. Consumers and businesses alike are best served when the
regulators stay out of the way and allow the markets to distinguish winners and losers. "Our
bureaucratic process is too slow to respond to the challenges of Internet time," he said during the
Progress & Freedom Foundation speech. "One way to do so is to clear away the regulatory
underbrush to bring greater certainty and regulatory simplicity to the market."
Bell telephone companies are hopeful that a Powell-led FCC will make it easier for them to enter
long-distance-telephone and Internet-traffic markets. Major television broadcasters expect Powell
will take steps to relax or even eliminate the cap on the number of stations broadcasters may own.
"The oppressor here is regulation," Powell said during a recent speech before a conservative think
tank, the Progress & Freedom Foundation, a talk that
sounded much like a mission statement for his chairmanship. "We must foster competitive
markets, unencumbered by intrusions and distortions from inapt regulations." Powell has been
critical of Kennard's use of the agency's authority to review mergers as a way to extract
concessions from merging companies in the name of reaping consumer benefits. In the FCC's
recently concluded review of America Online Inc.'s purchase of cable and media giant Time
Warner, he was one of two commissioners to argue against imposing any conditions on the deal, a
position rejected by the Democratic majority.
Michael Powell is well-liked and respected to a degree not often found in Washington, drawing
praise from both sides of the partisan aisle. He sometimes sounds like his father in his choice of
rhetoric. Both share an inclination to cast policy choices as moral decisions, indulging the
language of patriotism and duty that speaks of their shared military roots. But those who know him
say Powell is not one to ride his lineage. Jon Leibowitz, a former chief counsel to the Senate
Antitrust Subcommittee, recalls regular phone calls with Powell, then chief of staff at the antitrust
division under Joel I. Klein. "I had almost no idea who he was," said Leibowitz, now head of
congressional affairs at the Motion Picture Association of America. "I just knew he was this bright,
talented, organized guy. Then I read in the trade press that he was Colin Powell's son and he was
nominated to be on the FCC." Even those who have clashed with Powell on policy grounds still
back his credentials. Andrew Schwartzman, president of the Media Access Project, a public
interest law firm, has criticized Powell's unwillingness to challenge media consolidation. But he
does not criticize Powell's grasp of the issues. "He is thoroughly qualified by virtue of his
competence for the job," he said.
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